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THIRD EDITION 

CAUSE. PROGRESS AND RESULT 




OF THE CIVIL WAR 

RELICS OF HIDDEN TRUTH 
AHER FORTY YEARS 

BY J. CLARENCE STONEBRAKER 









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UBRARY of CONGRESS 
(wuCoiNM HeceivM 

JUL 28 lyob 

COPY B, ' 



I.— THE CAUSE OF THE WAR 
II.— PROGRESS OF THE WAR 
III.— RESULT OF THE WAR - 



Page 

9 

73 

163 



Third Edition 
Copyright, 1908, by J. Clarence Stonebraker 



TO A COLLEGIATE FRIEND 

Ke:n^n^eth Consta:n^ce 

THIS LITTLE BOOK IS 

AFFECTIONATELY DEDICATED 

BY THE AUTHOR 

1903 



AFTER FORTY YEARS 



'By the flow of the inland river, 

Whence the fleets of iron have fled. 
Where the blades of the grace-grass quiver. 

Asleep are the ranks of the dead ; 
Under the sod and the dew. 

Waiting the judgment day; 
Under the one the blue. 

Under the other the grey. " 

—From the State of Mississippi, most charitable and beautiful. 



PREFACE. 



The writer of this Httle work makes no apology 
for placing it before the public but that he has waited 
so long — waited for an abler hand. Its aim is that 
prejudice and ignorance may cease to bring forth 
untruth, and that the reproach which naturally fol- 
lows what is supposed to be an unsuccessful effort 
may be mitigated, and a mite contributed towards the 
establishment of facts. 

This third edition as it goes to press in June, 
1908, contains many interesting truths heretofore not 
published. 



I. The Cause of the War. 




The Unwritten South. 



I. THE CAUSE OF THE WAR. 

gggg23|EING cognizant of the many and great exi- 
aggerations and prevarications obtaining in 
the histories used in the schools and colleges 
throughout the land, one is not surprised at 
the impressions made upon the young and 
tractable mind by misstatements prompted by 
sectional prejudice, but in consequence is made to sympathize 
with the victims of deception concerning the matter and make- 
up of the same, after forty years. — Doubtless you have noted 
the very eloquent silence of the troublous times occasioned by 
the demands for a constitution and a declaration of our in- 
dependence in your stock of books. It is nowhere obtainable 
in your text-books, that our independence and the rudiments 
of our government were the product of heated discussions 
and most persistent and strenuous efforts between the ex- 
ponents of the constituency of that time, touching the system 
to be adopted. Hence, in your literature you are subjected to 
the gross wrongs of crimes committed, as well as omitted. 

With a view to justice and truth, as regards your educa- 
tion, I have decided to be2:in with the rebellion of the Colonial 



Government and render in the main the heretofore unwritten 



lo The Unwritten South 

account of our independent nation. You will note first, the 
names of those most closely connected and identified with our 
infantile institutions and their home-land. The worthy appel- 
lations ascribed to the heroes of our freedom and advancement 
of our civilization, which opposition of conspiring enemies 
have not been able to blot from the bright pages of our true 
glory, have only been vaguely and imperfectly set forth as mere 
incidents along the trend of events. "The sword of the 
South," ''the pen of the South," and the ''tongue of the 
South," are epithets carrying fuller and deeper meaning than 
are expressed in the partial and sectional histories afloat in the 
land. 

When the colonies were too feeble for resistance they 
were grossly imposed upon in many ways by the English 
government, but as endurance lost its virtue, the colonies looked 
around for some one to give voice to their indignities. Not 
much time was required to decide upon Patrick Henry, of 
Virginia, who, as an orator, will go down by the side of De- 
mosthenes ; and there is no person in history, the study of 
whose character should give more encouragement to the 
young. 

From the time that King James the first, gave the charter 
to the London company, he was fortified with a knowledge of 
her history, down to his death ; and stood ready to give help 
when it was needed. There were those at this early period 
who were afraid to trust a free and democratic system of gov- 
ernment, and hence opposed resistance to the King. 

The famous stamp act was the pivotal point with the op- 
posers, who would not purchase stamps of England and use 
them to pay her debts. The South has always been a proud 



The Cause of the War ii 

people, and jealous of her liberties. Not so much the money 
stirred their ire as the principle. Virginia was the first state 
to meet and discuss this important issue, and such men as 
Henry, Lee, Peyton, Randolph and Pendleton were among 
the orators. Already in the New World there existed two 
parties, when these trying times should have driven the colo- 
nies closer together. 

When Patrick Henry's voice echoed the principles which 
have made our nation what it is, treason was yelled in his face 
from the House of Burgesses, and the resolutions framed upon 
the occasion, passed by a majority of only one. The news 
now spread however like wildfire, and soon the colonies formed 
clubs and banded together by an oath of resistance to oppres- 
sion. This was the first time the colonies united for a com- 
mon defense^ and was the first American Congress, which met 
in New York in October of the same year. Sometime after 
this the Tea Party, at Boston Harbor, threw the tea over- 
board. 

The next event of importance was the convention at Rich- 
mond, Va., called for the purpose of consulting as to the best 
means of defence against the English vessels and armed troops 
quartered in the town. Patrick Henry here proposed that the 
citizens be formed into military companies and drilled. Some 
of the timid drew back at this, when the great speech of 
Henry rang out and so fired the convention that they went 
home resolved to lay down their purses and their lives for^ 
liberty. 

Thomas Jefferson, a rising young man of Virginia, now 
prepared and presented to the House a paper in which he de- 
clared that the people of Virginia had a right to pay their. 



12 The Unwritten South 

money where they pleased. For a time after this several plots 
were formed by the British, but discovered by the colonies, 
and while her soldiers were fighting Lord Dunsmore's troops 
in several small engagements, her statesmen were carving out 
a government to last for all time. In May, 1776, a convention 
met at Williamsburg, Virginia, at which meeting it was unani- 
mously resolved to appoint a committee to prepare a bill of 
rights for the people, and also a constitution for the State. — 
George Mason wrote these documents, and the latter of them 
was adopted five days before the Declaration of Independence. 
From the Bill of Rights, and this constitution, was taken 
the Declaration of the Independence of the United Colonies 
and the constitution of the United States, as the same senti- 
ments were expressed in the two. Thomas Jefferson, of Vir- 
ginia writing one and James Madison the other. 

Virginia became the battle ground of the Revolutionary 
war, where finally Cornwallis surrendered to Washington at 
Yorktown. When peace was fully restored, General Washing- 
ton surrended his commission. 

Now that the sword was laid aside you may think that 
this country had nothing to do but grow rich and enjoy the 
independence she had so hardly won ; but still an arduous task 
lay before them. The country had now to take her place 
among the nations, and to support the position honorably. — The 
experience of a monarchial government did not satisfy the ma- 
jority of the people, and they determined to have a govern- 
ment in which no office was held for life. Also, that each 
State should have a separate government. 

Now the subject which engaged the attention of all was 
how these two governments should be constituted, so that the 



The Cause of the War 13 

one would not mterfere with the other. This was an under- 
taking full of difficulty. The States had adopted their own 
government and they were not prepared to surrender the 
power entirely into the hands of the United States. Years 
passed away before a plan was finally settled upon for the 
adjustment of their needs. 

In May, 1787, a convention met at Philadelphia when a 
constitution was prepared and presented to each State for its 
discussion. Of course there met the best talent of the States 
for this important work. The most fiery discussions occurred 
before a conclusion was reached. It is worthy of note here, 
that one of the most vigorous opposers of the constitution was 
Patrick Henry, of Virginia. He thought his State should 
not give even so much of its rights to the general government. 
Madison, Randolph and others thought she did not give any 
of her power away, necessary to the existence of the State 
government. Finally the constitution was adopted only by 
a majority of ten votes. Now that the constitution was 
adopted Patrick Henry defended it as vehemently as he had 
opposed it. 

At this time two parties were well defined; one defend- 
ing a strong general government and one that should keep 
under it all state government, the other looking with distrust 
upon the power already granted to the general government. 
This last party existed in the South mostly, the other in the 
North or New England ; the name arising from their monarch- 
ial ideas of government. Through the medium of the press 
the matter was agitated until bitterness was born. The one 
party endeavoring to strengthen her State Government — the 
other striving to broaden her General Government. Wash- 



14 The Unwritten South 

ington now was elected President, though reluctantly, and 
being a Southern man and a Virginian was not in sympathy 
with a monarchial form of government. He, of all, knew what 
it had cost to break away from despotic England. Alexander 
Hamilton, one of the constitution's enemies, indulged in bursts 
of chagrin and dissatisfaction, unbecoming a member of Wash- 
ington's Cabinet. Washington hearing of such treasonous 
ideas from various sources, of his Secretary, wrote him a let- 
ter July 29, 1792, asking an explanation of such shameless 
sentiments. On August 16, following, Mr. Hamilton wrote to 
Mr. Adams, saying, "all the people are prosperous and happy 
and yet most of them, including the friends of Washington's 
administration, appear to be alarmed at a supposed policy tend- 
ing to subvert the government of the country." It was under 
pressure of this very alarm that Washington finally said him- 
self, "those who lean to a monarchial form of government 
have either not consulted the public mind, or they live in a 
region which is much more productive of monarchial ideas 
than is the case with the Southern States." Washington 
further intimated that these treasonous principles had no 
friends in the South. 

Hope you will observe that as early as 1790 a great dif- 
ficulty was growing up between the North and the South, 
which began only three years before at the constitutional con- 
vention. These two parties were termed, the one the Jefifer- 
sonian, and the other the Hamiltonian. The one holding that 
the people should be masters of the government; the other 
that the government should be masters of the people. The 
one being in favor of a government of the people with powers 
cautiously limited and clearly defined in the constitution, the 



The Cause of the War 15 

other in favor of what they called *'a strong government," 
with similar powers to a monarchy, without its name. 

The great disappointment which the result of the consti- 
tutional convention gave to Mr. Hamilton may be seen in a 
letter which he wrote to Mr. Morres, February 27, 1802, in 
which he said: 'T am laboring to prop the frail and worth- 
less fabric for a while." 'T do not publish it in Dan and Beer- 
sheba, but am thoroughly convinced that we shall have to re- 
turn to the English form of government." Failing to get his 
principles incorporated in the constitution, he next tried to 
give a monarchial interpretation to the Democratic constitu- 
tion. Hamilton was more culpable than either Burr or Ar- 
nold, because he practiced duplicity. He also sought the Presi- 
dency, being a foreigner. 

Washington served the country as President for eight 
years, when John Adams was elected to succeed him. During 
Washington's term the Hamiltonians, who embraced a ma- 
jority of the men of wealth and high social standing in the 
North, were not permitted to make any headway in subvert- 
ing the constitution. The popularity of Washington kept 
down all cliques and sections, but no sooner was his term at 
an end than the enemies of the Democratic principles of gov- 
ernment showed the cloven foot of monarchism again, and 
every safeguard of the constitution was disregarded and over- 
thrown. Adams was originally a Democrat and had performed 
valuable service in the revolution which won for us the pos- 
sibility of a free government. Jefferson said in writing of 
Adams : 'T have a cordial esteem for Mr. Adams, increased 
by long habits of consensus of opinion and even since his 
apostasy to hereditary nobility. We differ as friends." Adams 



1 6 The Unwritten South 

was made to believe that the glare and glitter of royalty was 
a necessary ingredient in government. He was taken up by 
the Monarchial Federalists in his absence, and upon his re- 
turn to the United States, was by them made to believe that 
the general disposition of the people was favorable to monarch- 
ial government. Thus these fanatics, when the Democrats 
were more concerned about their State matters, succeeded in 
electing Adams to the Presidency. The Democratic party has 
always held principles above party, causing loss of immediate 
success upon several occasions. 

Under Adams' administration the most foolish and op- 
pressive acts were passed by the Federalists. Among them 
was the ''Alien and Sedition Laws," which gave the Presi- 
dent power to banish all aliens from the United States, or to 
lock them up in prison during his pleasure; also to cause the 
arrest and imprisonment of any person who should Vv^ite or 
speak anything against the President or Congress. These 
acts, in short, endowed the President with despotic power ; 
putting the liberties of every Democrat in jeopardy and pro- 
ducing a reign of terror and cruelty which lasted until the end 
of the administration. Matthew Lyon, a Democrat and esti- 
mable citizen, for ridiculing the idle parade of the President, 
was thrust into prison and left to freeze and starve for a whole 
winter, and then released only by paying $i,ooo. General 
Sumpter was knocked down and cruelly beaten because he did 
not take off his hat at a theatre in Philadelpha when it was 
announced that the President was coming in. Mob violence 
was the order and ran riot everywhere. Will quote an ex- 
tract from an address made to the President May i, 1798: 

"We, the subscribers and inhabitants and citizens of Bos- 



The Cause of the War 17 

ton, in the State of Massachusetts, deeply impressed with the 
alarming condition of our country, beg leave to express to 
you, the Chief Magistrate and supreme ruler over the United 
States our fullest approbation of all the measures, external 
and internal, you have been pleased to adopt under direction of 
Divine authority/' 

The only alarming condition was the growing indignation 
of the majority of the people at the despotism of the party in 
power. This faction admired John Adams because he ad- 
mired the British Government. According to the constitution 
the State has the management of its citizens, and the Govern- 
ment the management of the currency, postoffices, etc. 

The defeat of this Federal party by and under the leader- 
ship of Jefferson and Madison, whose hands had written, the 
one the Constitution and the other the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, was so thorough that one would have thought it 
was the finishing blow to such principles ; but you will ob- 
serve later on that it lived and struggled for years, and again 
was boomed up with renewed violence and viciousness. The 
Kentucky and Virginia resolutions were brought forth by the 
South as a renewal of their pledges to their sacred compact, 
and became the campaign document for the ensuing election. 
These resolutions were opposed by the North as vigorously as 
they were supported by the South. The resolutions set forth 
all the powers of the government as resulting from a compact 
and agreement between sovereign States, each State preserv- 
ing an equal right to decide as well of infractions as manner 
of redress. You know the result of the election. The people 
trusted the sincerity of the men who were first in war, first in 
peace, and progress. As the resolutions of Kentucky and 



1 8 The Unwritten South 

Virginia are so rarely seen in our hterary works at present it 
may be well to insert them here for your careful perusal. 

The following resolutions passed the House of Represen- 
tatives of Kentucky, Nov. lo, 1798: 

Resolved, That the several states comprising the United 
States of America are not united on the principles of unlim- 
ited submission to the general government, but that by com- 
pact, under the style and title of a Constitution for the United 
States and of amendments thereto, they constitute a general 
government for special purposes, delegated to that govern- 
ment certain definite powers, reserving, each State to itself, 
the residuary mass of right to their own self-government ; and, 
that whensoever the general government assumes undelegated 
powers, its acts are unauthoritative, void, and of no force ; 
that to this compact each State acceded as a State, and is an 
integral party; that this government, created by this com- 
pact, was not made the exclusive or final judge of the extent 
of the powers delegated to itself, since that would have made 
its discretion, and not the Constitution, the measure of its 
powers ; but that, as in all other cases of compact among par- 
ties having no common judge, each party has an equal right 
to judge for itself, as well of infraction as of the mode of re- 
dress. 

2. Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States 
having delegated to Congress a power to punish treason, coun- 
terfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States, 
piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and ofifences 
against the laws of nations, and no other crimes whatever; 
and it being true, as a general principle, and one of the amend- 
ments to the Constitution having also declared, "that the 



The Cause of the War 19 

powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, 
nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States 
respectively, or to the people," therefore also the same Act of 
Congress, passed on the 14th day of July, 1798, and entitled 
''an act in addition to the act entitled an act for the punish- 
ment of certain crimes against the United States ; as also the 
act passed by them on 27th of June, 1798, entitled an act to 
punish frauds committed on the bank of the United States," 
and all other their acts which assume to create, define, or 
punish crimes other than those enumerated in the Constitution, 
are altogether void and of no force, and that the power to 
create, define and punish such other crimes is reserved, and of 
right appertains solely and exclusively to the respective States, 
each within its own territory. 

3. Resolved, That it is true, as a general principle, and 
is also expressly declared by one of the amendments to the 
Constitution, that the powers not delegated to the United 
States by the Constitution nor prohibited by it to the States, 
are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people ; and 
that no power over the freedom of religion, freedom of speech, 
or freedom of the press being delegated to the United States 
by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, all law- 
ful powers respecting same did of right remain, and were re- 
served to the States or to the people ; that thus was manifested 
their determination to retain to themselves the right of judg- 
ing how far the licentiousness of speech and of the press may 
be abridged without lessening their useful freedom, and how 
far those abuses which cannot be separated from their use 
should be tolerated rather than the use destroyed ; and thus 
also they guarded against all abridgement by the United States, 



20 The Unwritten South 

of the freedom of rehgious prmciples and exercises, and re- 
tained to themselves the right of protecting the same as this, 
stated by a law passed on the general demand of its citizens, 
had already protected them from all human restraint or inter- 
ference ; and that in addition to this general principle and ex- 
press declaration another and more special provision has been 
made by one of the amendments to the Constitution, which ex- 
pressly declares that "Congress shall make no laws respecting 
an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise 
thereof, or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press," 
thereby guarding, in the same sentence and under the same 
words, the freedom of religion, of speech and of the press, 
insomuch that whatever violates either throws down the sanc- 
tuaries which cover the others ; and that libels, falsehoods and 
defamation, equally with heresy and false religion, are with- 
held from the cognizance of federal tribunals. That therefore 
the act of the Congress of the United States, passed on the 
14th of July, 1798, entitled "an act in addition to the act en- 
titled an act for the punishment of certain crimes against the 
United States," which does abridge the freedom of the press, 
is not law, but is altogether void and of no force. 

4. Resolved, That alien friends are under the jurisdiction 
and protection of the laws of the State wherein they are ; that 
no power over them has been delegated to the United States, 
nor prohibited to the individual States distinct from their 
power over citizens ; and it being true, as a general principle, 
and one of the amendments to the Constitution having also de- 
clared that "the powers not delegated to the United States 
by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are re- 
served to the States respectively, or to the people," the Act 



The Cause of the War 21 

of the Congress of the United States passed the 22nd day of 
June, 1798, entitled "an Act concerning ahens" which assumes 
power over ahen friends not delegated by the Constitution, 
is not law, but is altogether void and of no force. 

5. Resolved, That in addition to the general principle as 
well as the express declaration, that powers not delegated are 
reserved, another and more special provision inferred in the 
Constitution, from abundant caution has declared, ''that the 
migration or importation of such persons as any of the States 
now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohib- 
ited by the Congress prior to the year 1808." That this Com- 
monwealth does admit the migration of alien friends described 
as the subject of the said Act concerning aliens ; that a pro- 
vision against prohibiting their migration is a provision against 
all Acts equivalent thereto, or it would be nugatory; that, to 
remove them when migrated is equivalent to a prohibition of 
their migration, and is therefore, contrary to the said provis- 
ion of the Constitution, and void. 

6. Resolved, That the imprisonment of a person under the 
protection of the laws of this commonwealth on his failure to 
obey the sim.ple order of the President of the United States to 
depart out of the United States as is undertaken by the said 
Act, entitled, ''an Act concerning aliens" is contrary to the 
Constitution, one amendment in which has provided, that "no 
person shall be deprived of liberty without due process of 
law," and, that another having provided, "that in all crimi- 
nal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a public 
trial by an impartial jury, to be informed as to the nature and 
cause of the accusation, to be confronted with the witnesses 
against him, to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses 



22 The Unwritten South 

in his favor, and to have assistance of counsel for his de- 
fense," the same Act undertaking to authorize the President 
to remove a person out of the United States, who is under the 
protection of the law, on his own suspicion, without jury, 
without public trial, without confrontation of the witnesses 
against him, without having witnesses in his favor, without 
defence, without counsel, is contrary to these provisions, also 
of the Constitution, is therefore not law, but utterly void and 
of no force. 

That transferring the power of judging any person who 
is under the protection of the laws from the courts to the 
President of the United States, as is undertaken by the same 
Act concerning aliens, is against the article of the Constitu- 
tion — which provides, that the Judicial power of the United 
States shall be vested in the courts, the judges of which shall 
hold their office during behavior, and that the said act is void 
for that reason also; and it is further to be noted that this 
transfer of judiciary power is to that magistrate of the general 
government who already possesses all the executive, and a 
qualified negative in all the legislative powers. 

7. Resolved, That the construction applied by the general 
government (as is evident by sundry of their proceedings) to 
these parts of the Constitution of the United States, which 
delegate to Congress power to lay and collect taxes, duties, 
imports, excesses, to pay the debts and provide for the com- 
mon defence and general welfare of the United States, and to 
make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carry- 
ing into execution the powers vested by the Constitution in 
the government of the United States or any department thereof, 
goes to the destruction of all the limits prescribed to their 



The Cause of the War 27, 

power by the Constitution ; that words meant by that instru- 
ment to be subsidiary only to the execution of the Umited 
powers, ought not to be so construed as themselves to give 
unlimited powers, nor a part so as to be taken as to destroy 
the whole residue of the instrument; that the proceedings of 
the general government under color of those articles, will be a 
fit and necessary subject for revisal and correction at a time of 
greater tranquility, while those specified in the preceding res- 
olutions call for immediate redress. 

8. Resolved, That the preceding resolutions be transmit- 
ted to the Senators' representatives in Congress from this com- 
m.on wealth, who are enjoined to present the same to their re- 
spective House, and to use their best endeavors to procure at 
the next session of Congress a repeal of the aforesaid uncon- 
stitutional and obnoxious Acts. 

9. Resolved, Lastly, that the government of this com- 
monwealth be, and is hereby authorized and requested to com- 
municate the preceding resolutions to the legislatures of the 
several States, to assure them that this commonwealth con- 
siders union for special national purposes, and particularly 
for those specified in their late federal compact, to be friendly 
to the peace, happiness and prosperity of all the States — that 
faithful to that compact, according to the plain intent and 
meaning in which it was understood and acceded to by the 
several parties, it is sincerely anxious for its preservation ; 
that it does also believe, that to take from the States all the 
powers of self government and transfer them to a general and 
consolidated government, without regard to the special dele- 
gations and reservations solemnly agreed to in that compact, 
is not for the peace, happiness or prosperity of these States; 



24 The Unwritten South 

and that therefore this commonwealth is determined, as it 
doubts not its co-States are to submit to undelegated and con- 
sequently unlimited powers in no man, or body of men on 
earth ; that if the Acts before specified should stand these 
conclusions would flow from them : That the general gov- 
ernment may place any act they think proper on the list of 
crime and punish it themselves, whether enumerated or not 
enumerated by the Constitution as cognizable by them ; that 
they may transfer its cognizance to the President or any other 
person, who may be the evidence, his order sentence, his of- 
ficer the executioner, and his breast the sole record of the 
transaction ; that a very numerous and valuable description 
of the inhabitants of these States, being by this precedent re- 
duced as outlaws, to the absolute dominion of one man, and 
the barriers of the Constitution thus swept from us all, no 
rampart now remains against the passions and the power of a 
majority of Congress to protect from a like exportation or 
other grievous punishment the majority of the same body, the 
legislature, judges, governors and councilors of the States, 
nor their other peaceable inhabitants who may venture to re- 
claim the Constitutional rights and liberties of the States and 
people, or who for other causes, good or bad, may be obnox- 
ious to the views or marked by the suspicions of the President, 
or to be thought dangerous to his or their election or other in- 
terests, public or personal ; that the friendless alien has been 
selected as the safest subject of a first experiment; but the 
citizen will soon follow, or rather has already followed ; for, 
already has a sedition Act marked him as a prey ; that these 
and successive Acts of the same character, unless arrested on 
the threshold, may tend to drive these States into revolution 



The Cause of the War 25 

and blood, and will furnish new calumnies against republican 
governments, and new pretexts for those who wish to be be- 
lieved, that man cannot be governed but by a rod of iron ; 
that it would be a dangerous- delusion were a confidence in 
the men of our choice to silence our fears for the safety of our 
rights ; that confidence is everywhere the parent of despotism ; 
free government is found in jealousy, and not in confidence; 
it is jealousy and not confidence which prescribes limited con- 
stitutions to bind down those whom we are obliged to trust 
with power ; that our Constitution has accordingly fixed the 
limits to which, and no farther, our confidence may go ; and 
let the truest advocate of confidence read the alien and sedi- 
tion Acts and say if the Constitution has not been wise in fix- 
ing limits to the government it created, and whether we should 
be wise in destroying those limits? Let him say what the 
government is, if it be not a tyranny, which the men of our 
choice have assented to and accepted over the friendly stran- 
gers, to whom the mild spirit of our country and its laws had 
pledged hospitality and protection ; that the men of our choice 
have no more respected the base suspicions of the President 
than the solid rights of innocence, the claims of justification, 
the sacred force of truth, and the forms and substance of the 
law and justice. In question of power then let no more be 
said of confidence in man, but bind him down from mischief 
by the chains of the Constitution. That this Constitution 
does therefore call on its co-States for an expression of their 
sentiments on the Acts concerning aliens and for the punish- 
ments of certain crimes hereinbefore specified, plainly declar- 
ing whether these Acts are, or are not authorized by the fed- 
eral compact, and it doubts not that their sense will be so 



26 The Unwritten South 

announced as to prove their attachment to hmited government, 
whether general or particular, and that the rights and liber- 
ties of their co-States will be exposed to no dangers by re- 
maining embarked on a common bottom with their own ; but 
they will concur with this commonwealth in considering the 
said Acts as so palpably against the Constitution as to amount 
to an undisguised declaration, that the compact is not meant 
to be the measure of the powers of the general government, 
but that it will proceed in the exercise over these States of all 
powers whatsoever. That they will view this as signing the 
rights of the States and consolidating them in the hands of 
the general government, with a power assumed to bind the 
States (not merely in cases made federal) but in all cases, 
whatsoever, by laws made not with their consent, but by others 
against their consent; that this would be to surrender the 
form of government we have chosen, and live under one de- 
riving its powers from its own will, and not from our author- 
ity; and that the States securing to their natural rights in 
cases not made federal, will concur in declaring these void, 
and of no force, and will each unite with this commonwealth 
in requesting their repeal at the next session of Congress. 

Passed the House of Representatives, November lo, 1798. 

In Senate November 13, 1798. Unanimously concurred 
in. 

Approved by the Governor November 19, 1798. 
House of Representatives, 

Thursday, Nov. 14, 1799. 

The House, according to the standing order of the day, 
resolved itself into a committee of the whole House, on the 
State of the commonwealth, Mr. Desha in the chair; and 



The Cause of the War 27 

after some time spent therein the speaker resumed the chair, 
and Mr. Desha reported that the committee had taken under 
consideration sundry resolutions passed by several state legis- 
latures on the subject of the alien and sedition laws, and had 
come to a resolution thereupon, which he delivered at the 
clerk's table, where it was read and unanimously agreed to by 
the House as follows : 

The representatives of the good people of this common- 
wealth, in general assembly convened, having maturely con- 
sidered the answer of sundry States in the Union to their 
resolutions passed the last session respecting certain unconstitu- 
tional laws of Congress commonly called the alien and sedi- 
tion laws, would be faithless, indeed, to themselves and to 
those they represent were they silently to acquiesce in the 
principles and doctrines attempted to be maintained in all those 
answers, that of Virginia only excepted. 

To again enter the field of argument and attempt more 
fully or forcibly to expose the unconstitutionality of those ob- 
noxious laws, would, it is apprehended, be as unnecessary as 
unavailing. We cannot, however, but lament that, in the 
discussion of those interesting subjects by sundry of the leg- 
islatures of our sister States, unfounded suggestions and un- 
candid insinuations derogatory to the true character and prin- 
ciples of this commonwealth have been instituted in place of 
fair reasoning and sound argument. 

Our opinions of these alarming measures of the general 
government, together with our reasons for those opinions, 
were detailed with decency and with temper and submitted to 
the discussion and judgment of our fellow citizens through- 
out the Union. Whether the like decency and temper have 



28 The Unwritten South 

been observed m the answers of most of those States who have 
denied or attempted to obviate the great truths contained in 
those resohitions, we have now only to submit to a candid 
world. 

Faithful to the true principles of the Federal Union, un- 
conscious of any designs to distrust the harmony of that 
Union and anxious only to escape the fangs of- despotism, the 
good people of this commonwealth are regardless of censure 
or calumniation. Lest, however, the silence of this common- 
wealth should be construed into an acquiescence in the doc- 
trines and principles advanced and attempted to be maintained 
by the said answers, or lest those of our fellow citizens through- 
out the Union who so widely differ from us on those important 
subjects should be deluded by the expectation that we shall be 
deterred from what we consider our duty, or shrink from the 
principles contained in those resolutions — therefore 

Resolved, That this commonwealth considers the Federal 
Union, upon the terms and for the purposes specified in the 
late compact, as conducive to the liberty and happiness of tlae 
several States ; that it does more unequivocally declare its at- 
tachment to the Union, and that compact agreeably to its ob- 
vious and real intention, and will be among the last to seek 
its dissolution ; that if those who administer the general gov- 
ernment be permitted to transgress the limits fixed by that 
compact, by a total disregard to the special delegations of 
power therein contained, an annihilation of the State Govern- 
ments, and the creation upon their ruins of a general consoli- 
dated government will be the inevitable consequence ; that 
the principle and construction contended for by sundry of the 
State Legislatures, that the general government is the exclu- 



The Cause of the War 2g 

sive judge of the extent of the powers delegated to it, stop 
nothing short of despotism — since the discretion of those who 
administer the government and not the Constitution would be 
the measure of their powers ; that the several States who 
formed that instrument, being sovereign and independent, 
have the unquestionable right to judge of the infraction; and 
that a nullification by those sovereign ties of all unauthorized 
acts done under color of that instrument is the rightful remedy ; 
that this commonwealth does, under the most deliberate re- 
consideration, declare that the said alien and sedition laws 
are, in their opinion, palpable violations of the said Constitu- 
tion ; and, however cheerfully it may be disposed to surren- 
der its opinion to a majority of its sister States, in matters of 
ordinary or doubtful policy, yet, in momentous regulations 
like the present, which so vitally surround the best rights of 
the citizens, it would consider a silent acquiescence as highly 
criminal ; that although this commonwealth, as a party to 
the Federal compact, will bow to the laws of the Union, yet 
it does, at the same time, declare that it will not now, or ever 
hereafter, cease to oppose in a constitutional manner every at- 
tempt, at what quarters soever offered, to violate that com- 
pact. And, finally, in order that no pretext or arguments may 
be drawn from a supposed acquiescence on the part of this 
commonwealth in the constitutionality of their laws, and be 
thereby used as precedents for similar future violations of the 
Federal compact, this commonwealth does now enter against 
them its solemn protest. 

In Senate November 22, 1799, passed and concurred in. 



30 The Unwritten South 

VIRGINIA RESOLUTIONS OF I798, DRAWN BY MR. MADISON, IN 
THE VIRGINIA HOUSE OF DELEGATES. 

Friday, December 21, 1798. 

Resolved, That the General Assembly of Virginia doth 
unequivocally express a firm resolution to maintain and de- 
fend the Constitution of the United States, and the Constitu- 
tion of this State, against every aggression, either foreign or 
domestic; and that they will support the government of the 
United States in all measures warranted by the former. 

That this Assembly most solemnly declares a warm at- 
tachment to the Union of the States, to maintain which it 
pledges its powers ; and, that for this end, it is their duty to 
watch over and oppose every infraction of those principles 
which constitute the only basis of that Union, because a faith- 
ful observance of them can alone secure its existence and th^ 
public happiness. 

That this Assembly doth explicitly and peremptorily de- 
clare, that it views the powers of the Federal Government as 
resulting from the compact to which the States are parties, as 
limited by the plain sense and intention of the instrument 
constituting that compact, as no further valid than they are 
authorized by the grants enumerated in that compact; and 
that in case of a deliberate, palpable and dangerous exercise 
of other powers, not granted by the said compact, the States, 
who are parties thereto, have the right, and are in duty 
bound, to interpose, for arresting the progress of the evil, and 
for maintaining within their respective limits the authorities, 
rights and liberties appertaining thereto. 

That the General Assembly doth also express its deep re- 
gret that a spirit has, in sundry instances, been manifested by 



The Cause of the War 31 

the Federal Government, to enlarge its powers by forced con- 
structions of the Constitutional charters which defines them ; 
and, that indications have appeared of a design to expound 
certain general phrases, which, having been copied from the 
very limited grant of powers in the former Articles of confed- 
eration, were the less liable to be misconstrued, so as to de- 
stroy the meaning and effect of the particular enumeration 
which necessarily explains and limits the general phrases, and 
so as to consolidate the States by degrees with one sovereignty, 
the obvious tendency and inevitable result of which would 
be to transform the present republican system of the United 
States into an absolute, or at best, a mixed monarchy. 

That the General Assembly doth particularly protest 
against the palpable and alarming infractions of the Constitu- 
tion, in the two late cases of the "alien and sedition laws," 
passed at the last session of Congress ; the first of which ex^! 
ercises a power nowhere delegated to the Federal Govern- 
ment, and by uniting legislative and judicial powers to those 
of executive, subverts the general principles of free govern- 
ment, as well as the particular organization and positive pro- 
visions of the Federal Constitution ; and the other of which 
Acts exercises in like manner, a power not delegated by the^ 
Constitution, but on the contrary expressly and positively 
forbidden by one of the amendments thereto; a power which 
more than any other, ought to produce universal alarm, be- 
cause it is leveled against the right of freely examining public 
characters and measures, and of free communication among 
the people thereon, which has ever been justly deemed the 
only effectual guardian of every other right. 

That this State having by its convention which ratified 



32 The Unwritten South 

the Federal Constitution expressly declared, that, among other 
essential rights, ''the liberty of conscience and the press can- 
not be cancelled, abridged, restrained or modified by any 
authority of the United States," and from its extreme anxiety 
to guard these rights from every possible attack or sophistry 
and ambition, having with other States recommended an 
amendment for that purpose, which amendment was in due 
time annexed to the Constitution, it would make a reproach- 
ful inconsistency and criminal degeneracy if an indifference 
were now shown to the most palpable violation of one of the 
rights thus declared and secured, and to the establishment of a 
precedent which may be fatal to the other. 

That the good people of this commonwealth, having ever 
felt and continuing to feel the most sincere affection for their 
brethren of the other States, the truest anxiety for establish- 
ing and perpetuating the Union of all and the most scrupulous 
fidelity to that Constitution, which is the pledge of mutual 
friendship and the instrument of mutual happiness, the Gen- 
eral Assembly doth solemnly appeal to the like dispositions in 
the other states, in confidence that they will concur with this 
commonwealth in declaring, as it does hereby declare, that 
the acts aforesaid are unconstitutional, and that the necessary 
and proper measures will be taken by each for co-operation 
with this State in maintaining unimpaired the authorities, 
rights and liberties reserved to the States respectively or to 
the people. That the Governor be desired to transmit a copy 
of the foregoing resolutions to the executive authority of each 
of the other States, with a request that the same may be com- 
municated to the legislature thereof, and that a copy be fur- 



The Cause of the War 



33 



nished to each of the Senators and Representatives represent- 
ing this State in the Congress of the United States. 

1798, Dec. 24th. Agreed to by the Senate. 

A true copy from the original deposited in the office of 
the General Assembly. 

A few extracts from an address to the people which ac- 
companied the foregoing resolutions may serve to render a 
still greater evidence of the sacred sentiment held by the 
Southern people for their free government. 

Fellow Citizens — It would be perfidious in those in- 
trusted with the guardianship of the State sovereignty and 
acting under the solemn obligation of the following oath, ''I 
do swear that I will support the Constitution of the United 
States," not to warn you of encroachments, which, though 
clothed with the pretext of necessity, or disguised by argu- 
ments of expediency, may yet establish precedents, which 
may ultimately devote a generous and unsuspicious people to 
all the consequences of usurped power. 

The sedition act presents a scene which was never expected 
by the early friends of the Constitution. It was then ad-' 
mitted that the State sovereignties were only diminished by 
powers specially enumerated or necessary to carry the speci- 
fied powers with effect. Now Federal authority is deduced 
from the implication and from the existence of State law, it is. 
inferred that Congress possesses a similar power of legislation, 
whence Congress will be endowed with power of legislation 
in all cases whatsoever, and the States will be stripped of 
every right reserved by the concurrent claims of a paramount 
legislation. 

It is possible to confound monarchy and republicanism 



34 The Unwritten South 

by the art of definition, and dexterity be varnished over with 
the pleancy of language, which seduction ambition never fails 
to display, and at length come to avow that so extensive a 
territory as the United States can only be governed by the 
energies of monarchy ; that it can not be defended, except by 
standing armies, and that it cannot be united except by con- 
solidation. 

Measures have already been adopted which may lead tc 
these consequences ; they consist in viscal systems and ar- 
rangements, which keep an host of commercial and wealthy 
individuals embodied and obedient to the mandates of the 
treasury. Let history be consulted ; let the man of experi- 
ence reflect; nay let the artificers of' monarchy be asked what 
further materials they can need for building up their favorite 
system. 

Pledged as we are, fellow citizens to these sacred engage- 
ments, we yet humbly and fervently implore the Almighty 
disposer of events to avert from our land war and usurpation, 
the scourges of mankind ; to permit our fields to be cultivated 
in peace ; to instill into nations the love of friendly intercourse ; 
to suffer our youths to be educated in virtue, and to preserve 
our morality from the pollution of war. 

1790, January 23. Agreed to by the Senate. 

Now, as these will sufftce to give a fair representation of 
the Southern sentiment as regards the interpretation of the 
Constitution, and which were effective in electing Jefiferson 
and Madison, being an expression of the sentiment of a large 
majority of the people and held by the people for sixty years, 
will add a few of the answers of the opposing State Legisla- 



The Cause of the War 35 

tures, which are concise in their make up and of the same 
trend of sentiment as the general run. 

State of Delaware. In the House of Representatives, 
February i, 1799. 

Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of 
the State of Delaware, in General Assembly met, that they 
consider the resolutions from the State of Virginia as a very 
unjustifiable interference with the general government and 
constituted authority of the United States, and of dangerous 
tendency, and therefore not fit subjects for the further con- 
sideration of the General Assembly. 

Isaac Davis, Speaker of the Senate. 
Stephen Lewis^ Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

State of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations — In 
General Assembly, February, A. D. 1799. Certain resolutions 
of the Legislature of Virginia, passed on the 21st of Decem- 
ber last, being communicated to this Assembly : 

Resolved, That in the opinion of this legislature the sec- 
tion of third article of the Constitution of the United States 
in these words, to wit: The judicial power extending to all 
cases arising under the laws of the United States, vests in the 
federal courts, exclusively, and in the Supreme Court of the 
United States ultimately, the authority of deciding on the con- 
stitutionality of any act or law of the United States. 

2. Resolved, That for any State Legislature to assume 
that authority would be, 

1st. Blending together legislative and judicial powers. 

2nd. Hazarding an interruption of the peace of the 
States by civil discord in case of a diversity of opinion among 
the State Legislatures, each State having, in that case, no re- 



36 The Unwritten South 

sort for vindicating its own opinions, but the strength of its 
own arm. 

3rd. Submitting most important questions of law to less 
competent tribunals ; and, 

4th. An infraction of the Constitution of the United 
States, expressed in plain terms. 

Resolved, That, although for the above reasons this legis- 
lature in their public capacity do not feel themselves author- 
ized to consider and decide on the constitutionality of the se- 
dition and alien laws, so called, yet they are called upon by 
the exigency of this occasion to declare that, in their private 
opinions, these laws are within the powers delegated to Con- 
gress, and promotive of the welfare of the United States. 

Resolved, That the Governor communicate these resolu- 
tions to the Supreme Executive of the State of Virginia, and 
at the same time express to him that this legislature cannot 
contemplate, without extreme concern, the very unwarrantable 
resolutions aforesaid of the Legislature of Virginia, passed on 
the tw^enty-first day of December last. 

Samuel Eddy, Secretary. 

A true copy. 

Rhode Island did not see, or would not admit that the 
Constitution fully meets such cases ; and as the constitution is 
back of, and the creator of all courts and legislation, the very 
suggestion shows the disregard for the Constitution. She at- 
tempts to dictate the tribunal, and interpret the Constitution: 
the very things the Resolutions are charged with doing. The 
action of the legislative or judicial powers upon a case plainly 
unconstitutional, does not make it a lawful act. The Constitu- 



The Cause of the War 37 

tion is not subject to any tribunal, for it has none except the 
people who made it. 

State of Vermont — In the House of Representatives, Oc- 
tober 30, A. D. 1799. The House proceeded to take under 
their consideration the resolutions of the General Assembly 
of Virginia, relative to certain measures of the general gov- 
ernment, transmitted to the legislature of this State for their- 
consideration ; whereupon. 

Resolved, That the General Assembly of Vermont do 
highly disapprove of the resolutions of the General Assembly 
of the State of Virginia, as being unconstitutional in their 
nature, and dangerous in their tendency. It belongs not to 
State Legislatures to decide on the constitutionality of laws 
made by the general government, this power being exclusively 
vested in the judiciary courts of the Union. That his ex- 
cellency the Governor be requested to transmit a copy of this 
resolution to the executive of Virginia to be communicated to 
the General Assembly of that State, and that the same be sent 
to the Governor and council for their concurrence. 

Samuel F. Crofts, Clerk. 

In council, October 30, 1799. Read and concurred in 
unanimously. 

Richard Whiting, Secretary. 

See the assumption of the above answers, that the Gen- 
eral Government existed prior to and was the creator of State 
authority, and could ignore any argument. 

I shall yet give the Calhoun resolutions, which were sub- 
mitted to the Senate on December 27th, 1837, to show the dis- 
position of the people as to the existence of slavery, and the 
import of the Constitution as late as 1837, only twenty-three 



38 The Unwritten South 

years before the outbreak of the war. From this you will 
see that there was no attempt to amend the Constitution, or 
to sustain an argument against the resolutions as offered and 
adopted by the various legislative bodies defending the same. 

1. Resolved, In the adoption of the Federal Constitution 
the States adopting the same acted severally as free, independ- 
ent and sovereign States, and that each for itself, by its own 
voluntary assent, entered the Union with a view to its in- 
creased security against all dangers, domestic as well as for- 
eign, and the more perfect and secure enjoyment of its ad- 
vantages, natural, political and social. 

2. Resolved, That in delegating a portion of their powers 
to be exercised by the Federal Government, the States re- 
tained, severally, the exclusive and sole right over their own 
domestic institutions and police, and are alone responsible for 
them, and that any intermeddling of any one or more States, 
or a combination of their citizens, with the domestic institu- 
tions and police of the others on any ground, or under any 
pretext whatever, political, moral or religious, with a view to 
their alteration or subversion, is an assumption of superiority 
not warranted by the Constitution, insulting to the States in- 
terfered with, tending to endanger their domestic peace and 
tranquility, subversive to the objects for which the Constitu- 
tion was formed, and by necessary consequence, tending to 
weaken and destroy the Union itself. 

3. Resolved, That this government was instituted and 
adopted by the several States of this Union, as a common agent, 
in order to carry into effect the power vvhich they had delegated 
by the Constitution for their mutual security and prosperity, 
and that in the fulfillment of this high and sacred trust, this 



The Cause of the War 39 

government is bound so to exercise its powers as to give, as 
far as may be practicable, increased stabihty and security to 
the domestic institutions of the States that compose the Union, 
and that it is the solemn duty of the government to resist all 
attempts, by one portion of the Union, to use it as an instru- 
ment to attack the domestic institutions of another, or to weaken 
or destroy such institutions. 

4. Resolved, That domestic slavery, as it exists in the 
Southern and Western States of the Union, composes part of 
their domestic institutions inherited from their ancestors, and 
existing at the adoption of the Constitution, by which it is 
recognized as constituting an essential element in the distri- 
bution of its power among the States, and that no change of 
opinion or feeling on the part of the other States of the Union 
in relation to it, can justify them, or their citizens in open 
and systematic attacks thereon, with the view to its over- 
throw, and that all such attacks are in manifest violation of 
the mutual and solemn pledge to protect and defend each 
other given by the States respectively, on entering into the 
constitutional compact which formed the Union, and as such 
is a manifest breach of faith, and a violation of the most 
solemn obligations. 

Fifth, as proposed by Mr. Calhoun: 

Resolved, That the intermeddling of any State or States, 
or their citizens, to abolish slavery in this District, or in any 
of the Territories, on the ground, or under the pretext, that 
it is immoral or sinful, on the passage of any act or measure 
of Congress with that view, would be a direct and dangerous 
attack on the institution of the slave-holding States. 

(As amended on motion of Mr. Clay, of Kentucky.) 



40 The Unwritten South 

5. Resolved, That when the District of Cokimbia was 
ceded by the States of Virginia and Maryland to the United 
States, domestic slavery existed in both of these States, in- 
cluding the ceded territory ; and that as it still continues in 
both of them, it could not be abolished within the District 
without a violation of that good faith which was implied in 
the cession, and in the acceptance of the territory, nor unless 
compensation were made for the States, without a manifest 
infringement of the Constitution of the United States; nor 
without exciting a degree of just alarm and apprehension in 
the States recognizing slavery, far transcending in mischievous 
tendency any possible benefit which would be accomplished 
by the abolition. And, 

Resolved, That any attempt of Congress to abolish slavery 
in any territory of the United States in which it exists, would 
create serious alarm and just apprehension in the States sus- 
taining that domestic institution, would be a violation of good 
faith towards the inhabitants of such territory who have been 
permitted to settle with and hold slaves, because the people 
of such territory have not asked for the abolition of slavery 
therein, and because that, when any such territory shall be ad- 
mitted into the Union as a State, the people thereof will be 
entitled to decide that question for themselves. 

This resolution as drawn and amended by Mr. Clay was 
adopted with only eight dissenting votes. 

Now, to go back to the adoption of the famous resolu- 
tions and election of Jefferson to the Presidency. The hatred 
of the North towards the South knew no bounds after this 
new discomfiture. It did not die with the generation, as has 
been shown, but parents taught their children to hate the 



The Cause of the War 41 

name of Jefferson and the South. Jefferson, in writing to Maz- 
zie and to the Paris Monitor, says: *'Our pohtical situation 
is prodigiously changed since you left us. Instead of noble 
love of liberty and that republican government which carried 
us through the war, an Anglo Monarchic aristocratic party 
has arisen. Their avowed object is to impose upon us the 
form of the British Government, but the principal body of our 
citizens remain faithful to the republican principles. They 
would wrest from us that liberty which we have obtained by 
so much labor and peril. 

''Again Jefferson said the alien and sedition law is but an 
experiment, and if this goes down with the people, we shall 
see Congress attempting to declare that the President shall 
continue in office for life, and finally the transfer of succes- 
sion to his heirs." 

In the ''Olive Branch" by Matthew Carey, the facts are 
set forth in relation to a conspiracy in New England to break 
up the Republic as early as 1796. He says, a Northern Con- 
federacy has been the object for a number of years. To sow 
discord, jealousy, and hostility was the first step towards this 
object. In the famous Pelham papers it was stated, "The 
Northern States can subsist as a nation without the South. 
It cannot be contested that if the Southern States were possessed 
of the same political ideas, our union would be more close, but 
when it becomes a serious question whether we shall give up 
our government or part with the States south of the Potomac 
river, no man north of that river, whose heart is not thor- 
oughly Democratic, can hesitate what decision to make." 

This was in 1796, and it proves that the Democratic form 
of government was the cause of all the trouble between the 



42 The Unwritten South 

sections, though it embodied a compact entered into by all of 
the States only eight years before. You will observe, of course, 
that the Northern section contemplated seceding, not in defense 
of the existing Constitution, but in opposition to it. 

The difference between the North and the South in the 
question of secession was only a matter of nerve. It is ad- 
mitted that the North washed to sever the Union at "Mason 
and Dixon Line." 

I may remind you again without giving undue importance 
to this matter, that the political peace of our country, which re- 
sulted in the late terrible strife, was begun seventy years before. 
Thus, when there was no longer a hope of changing the gov- 
ernment into the Hamiltonian views another plan was adopted, 
by which they hoped to gain territory and secure votes to ac- 
complish their end. Hence the civil war was not one to settle 
the question whether State rights should be maintained, or 
whether the administration should be sovereign, though it in- 
volved this also, — this battle was fought out at the constitu- 
tional convention, but the test was, should the Constitution be 
regarded, and the confidence that adopted it be respected or 
ignored. So the foul w^ork of inciting to indignity was begun 
by the murderous hand of threatened injustice. 

In conjunction with the British spy, Henry, the Federal 
leaders settled upon the negro question as the best to bring 
about the object they sought. Now, the North had no love 
for the negro as all know, for they had just gotten rid of all 
theirs ; the climate being too severe for them. Let it be re- 
membered here as true, that the slave trade was looked upon, 
as it existed in the early years of our nation, as a real blessing 
to the negroes. 



The Cause of the War 43 

In Africa they were all slaves to heathen masters, and 
lived upon snakes and toads. Thousands were butchered as 
sacrifices to negro divinities. Their own offspring were eaten 
for food, and were gladly sold when an opportunity was of- 
fered. Washington, Jefferson, Madison and all the leading 
men of the land owned slaves, and were considered benefac- 
tors. Before the birth of Christ slavery existed, and their 
posterity was inherited by their sons and daughters. So you 
see that the simple inheritance of slaves did not become such 
a heinous crime all at once, especially in a land whose goVj- 
ernment provided against its being a crime. 

The South was the first to issue Acts against bringing 
more slaves in the country, and imposed a tax upon them in 
some of the States. So at the time of the agitation of the 
slave question there were no slaves being brought into the 
South, excepting such as could be smuggled. 

There were almost as many free negroes in the South at 
the time of the war as slaves. Some of the negroes themselves 
owned slaves. 

The leading slave holders were liberating their slaves at 
the age of twenty-one and seeing after them. Very few men 
sold slaves at this time, but many of them kept themselveS' 
poor, feeding and caring for the negroes in their charge. It 
became an adage, ''that the pigs ate the corn and the negroes 
ate the pigs." It was conceded by all that a negro with a 
master was superior to a free one ; in fact, the slaves looked 
with scorn upon a free negro. There were many collections 
of free negroes in the South at the time of the breaking ou^ 
of the war, and they lived upon the hen roosts of the commu- 
nity principally. Without questioning the feasibility of free- 



44 The Unwritten South 

ing the negro, the most reasonable plan surely would have 
been to free the worthy ones at a certain age and thus havQ 
the best ones as a nucleus for a development. It was plainly 
against all order of evoluton to rise so suddenly to such a 
position as full citizenship. 

You remember that only in 1787 the Northern States 
voted against the abolition of slavery, the Southern States 
voting for it. Had the Northern cities anticipated that the 
negroes would take advantage of the amendments to the Con- 
stitution and flock to their States as citizens, their actions had 
been different, as is regretfully stated by the inhabitants of 
those cities now. The movement against slavery began in 1820 
when Missouri was added to the Union. Jefferson said, in a 
letter to Lafayette, "on the eclipse of Federation with us, but 
not its extinction, its leaders have set up the false front of 
lessening the measure of slavery by the Missouri question, 
but with the real view of producing a geographical division 
of parties which might insure them the next President." The 
Federalists knew they could not alter the Constitution to man- 
age the matter of citizenship, but showed their disposition to 
break the solemn compact contained in the Constitution, As 
the two parties existed at the time of framing the Constitution 
they understood each other, and were honorably bound to de- 
fend it as construed at the time ; hence any attempt to distort 
it to their sectional advantage meant treason and false dealing. 
The status of the Federalists was now to array the one section 
against the other and they were assisted by one Henry, who 
was sent here by the Governor of Canada, whose name was 
Craig. Craig's instructions to Henry, dated Quebec, February, 
1809, were the following: 'T request you to proceed with 



The Cause of the War 45 

the earhest convenience to Boston. The known intelHgence 
and abihty of several of its leading men must give it a con- 
siderable influence over the other States and will probably 
lead them in the part they are to take. It has been supposed 
that if the Federalists of the Eastern States should be success- 
ful and obtain the decided influence which may enable them 
to direct public opinion, it is not impossible that rather than 
submit they will exert their influence to bring about a separation 
from the general Union. I inclose a credential, but you must 
not use it unless you are satisfied it will lead to more con- 
fidential communication." 

This conspiracy between the agents of Canada and the 
leading Federalists of New England came to the knowledge of 
Madison, who was President, and he laid all the proofs before 
Congress. The President said to Congress, *T lay before you 
copies of certain documents which remain in the department 
of the State. They prove that at a recent period, on the part 
of British Government through its public minister here, a se- 
cret agent of that government was employed in certain States 
in fomenting disaffection to the constitutional authorities of 
the country, and intrigued with the disaffected for the pur- 
pose of bringing about resistance to the laws, and eventually 
in concert with a British force, of destroying the Union and 
forming the eastern part thereof into a political connection with 
Great Britain." 

Henry wrote back to the authorities, who had employed 
him in Canada, that although he found the leaders of the Fed- 
eralists of New England ripe for any measure which could 
sever the Union, yet the masses of the people held so strongly 
to the sentiment of Union that he doubted if it could be im- 



4-6 The Unwritten South 

mediately dissolved. He suggested that the best way. to fur- 
ther this scheme of disunion would be to get up some sectional 
domestic question on which the prejudices and passions of 
the people could be permanently divided. This, he was sure, 
would in time accomplish disunion. The sectional question he 
spoke of was slavery. He did not miscalculate, it did its work. 

This book does not pretend to defend slavery as it con- 
cerns the white population, but does maintain that it has been 
of inestimable benefit to the negro, as he could not have come 
here in any other way, nor can he ever live here in any other 
way except to the discomfort of all. It is also maintained that 
the negro reaches his climax for usefulness and credit to him- 
self as a subordinate. Follow the lineage of Ham from the 
time he disgraced his father, and you will find him rising no 
higher than a servant. The very darkest aspect of the whole 
thing — that of separating families — was only appreciated by the 
negro as he became civilized by his environments in slavery, 
for in Africa they do not value their own offspring, but de- 
stroy them or sell them when opportunity affords. Slave deal- 
ers only obtained their slaves by one tribe conquering another 
and delivering same into the hands of the slave dealers, or by 
the consent of parents, getting up their children and selling 
them. The very false stories that a vessel's crew could go 
into the jungles and drive out as many negroes as they wished, 
is grossly vile and was hatched along with many others by the 
unconscionable and incorrigible prejudice of partisans, and for 
an equally vile purpose. Such things are still being taught 
and believed to an extent in the frigid section of our country, 
of which you are. aware. 

The whole progress of the abolition movement shows that 



The Cause of the War 47 

it has been a plot of British monarchists, aided by a set of men 
in this country, to destroy the Government as it was formed 
by Washington. Jefferson, writing to Governor Langdon, 
says: "The Toryism with which we struggled in 1776 differed 
from the Federalism of 1799, only in name, and the English 
Monarchism against which we are now struggling is but the 
same thing in another form. It is longing for a King." You 
remember that the Legislature of Massachusetts introduced the 
following resolution : "And therefore be it 

Resoh'ed, That we recommend Caleb Strong to take the 
revenues of the State with his own hands, arm and equip the 
militia and declare us independent of the United States." 

About the same time some of New England's men said, 
"Our disease is Democracy." "Our country is too big for 
Union." Rev. Dr. Dwight said : "The Declaration of Inde- 
pendence is a wicked thing." One of the leading papers of 
New England declared : "We never fought for a Republic ; 
our Government is the result of necessity, not of choice." 
Mr. Bryce, Embassador from England, intimates that the 
opposition to Democracy was successful in establishing its 
ideas in the Constitution ; but if so, why is it still opposed by the 
followers of Hamilton, Garrison, Seward, Lincoln and Roose- 
velt in his turn: and why has Democracy had to support it? 
The Boston Gazette threatened President Madison with death 
if he attempted to compel the Eastern States to fight against 
England, and many other such violent and bitter things were 
hurled against the South for being true to the form of govern- 
ment decided upon by the Union of States. Plucky little 
South Carolina was very much aggrieved over the tariff act of 
1828 and threatened to nullify the laws, but finally compro- 



48 The Unwritten South 

mised the matter. I say plucky South Carolina, for the reason 
that she furnished as many soldiers for the Revolutionary war 
as all the New England States together. 

A great flurry was caused in the North by this dissatis- 
faction of South Carolina, but they overlooked the fact that 
the Act in relation to the return of ''fugitives from service" 
was openly and distinctly nullified by nearly every Northern 
State. Lloyd Garrison, who was called the father of aboli- 
tionism, inaugurated his movement by burning the Constitu- 
tion of the United States. He declared, ''No act of ours do 
we regard with so much conscientious approval, or with higher 
satisfaction, than when we, on the 4th of July, in the pres- 
ence of a great assembly, committed to the flames the Consti- 
tution of the United States." He said, "this Union is a lie, 
I am for its overthrow. Up with the flag of disunion." Wen- 
dell Phillips said, "The Constitution of our fathers was a mis- 
take ; tear it to pieces." It has been torn to pieces, and the 
advocates of the destruction have become so docile as to say. 
Oh, don't stir up the difference between the North and the 
South ; since it is settled let it rest. Yes, for shame's sake let it 
rest, but for the sake of the truth, and the hope of ultimate 
redemption, let it not rest. 

Now I hope you have not grown tired of this list of in- 
dignities ; but I have a desire to strongly impress the fact that 
those offenders labored to destroy this grand government be- 
cause it was formed in opposition to tyranny and oppression. 
The South was blamed, not for treason, as you have seen, but 
for the support of a compact, of which the North itself had 
been a party in shaping. Not until later did the idea of re- 
bellion and treason occur to the hot heads of the North. If 



The Cause of the War 49 

the South ever had a sentiment, it was a pecuHar pride and 
reverence for their Government, as expressed in the Constitu- 
tion. Their devotion to their compact originally shaped, 
amounted almost to worship. The conception of our fathers 
with regard to an instrument of Constitution was, that it was 
the fundamental principle of all that was to take place after- 
wards. 

Listen to Washington's farewell address to the American 
people. He said, 'The basis of all our political system is the 
right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of 
government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, 
till changed by an explicit and authentic Act of the whole, is 
sacredly obligatory upon all." You will notice that there was 
no attempt to alter the Constitution, as all had agreed it should 
be until then. 

Let me quote the tenth Article of the Constitution, which 
occurs also in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions: "The 
powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, 
nor prohibited by it to the States are reserved to the States :" 
Also, the second Article in the Articles of confederation: 
''Each State retains its sovereignty, freedom and independence, 
and every power, jurisdiction and right, which is not by this 
confederation expressly delegated to the United States, in 
Congress assembled. When the distribution of legislative pow- 
ers are vested in a constitution it is contained in a single in- 
strument; otherwise it is collected from ancient usages, leg- 
islative Acts, judicial decisions, etc. The Government of the 
United States is an illustration of a single instrument, and 
every Act of Congress, contrary thereto, is unconstitutional and 
therefore void." 



50 The Unwritten South 

Doubtless you have heard Calhoun called the father of 
disunion; but nothing could be further from the truth. Cal- 
houn's great speech, the greatest ever made in America, main- 
tained that the Constitution would have to be amended if the 
negroes were to have their freedom. On March 17, 1850, in 
a speech in the Senate of the United States, when he knew he 
was a dying man, Calhoun said, ''No man would feel more 
happy than myself to believe that this Union, formed by our an- 
cestors, should live forever. Looking back to the long course 
of forty years of service here I have the consolation to believe 
that I have done full justice to all sections, and if I have been 
exposed to the imputation of a contrary motive, it is because 
I have been willing to defend my section from unconstitutional 
encroachments." 

Jefferson Davis, in a speech in the Senate, June 27, 1850, 
said: *Tf I have a superstition which governs my mind and 
holds it captive it is a superstitious reverence for the Union; 
I may be said to have inherited this from my Revolutionary 
father." 

Garrison and Seward admitted that the Constitution gave 
the States a right to decide as to its citizens. There were two 
factions in the Federal party, one led by Garrison, the other 
by Seward. Garrison wanted to secede from the South while 
Seward wanted to drive the South to withdraw. Seward's 
faction triumphed, and at once set tip his idea of the law of 
nations as against the constitutional agreement, in his works, 
vol. 3, page 301. This gave a new impetus to the enmity 
against the South. He scorned all free government in toto. 
He held that there were laws higher than that of the Constitu^ 
tion, forgetting that the people made the Constitution, and it 



The Cause of the War 51 

was for the people to say what province it should hold. The 
same theory is held now in defense of lynch law, and in 
the North they howl at that. It is not practiced now in de- 
fiance of law, but in defence of same ; not for want of sufficient 
law, but for lack of execution of the same. 

In the one case the law is upheld, and in consequence the 
upbraiding; in the other the contingency of a crooked and 
violated condition existed. To advocate liberties without law 
is only to support anarchy in its most unadulterated form, 
whilst laws without liberties is only tyranny, and can and ought 
to be corrected. Our laws originally were so constructed as 
to deal with all parties equally, but here in a criminal case the 
evidence is not equal excepting as it pertains to numbers, for 
we are met with the sworn testimony of a score of the dusky 
brethren of clanny inclinations, that an arraigned party was at 
such a place at time of crime, and the law becomes helpless to 
convict because an inferior, unconscientious tribe has been 
thrust upon us as equals in point of intelligence, morals, etc., 
to the great detriment of the superior race. 

If all the lynchings of a year, with their horrors, were 
combined, they would not present an aspect as awful as one 
cause of a lynching. O, that such victims could be only 
lynched and nothing more. He is no gentleman nor Christian 
either who could say be kind to the criminal when his wife or 
daughter was the victim of such an outrage. The word hor- 
rible looses its significance beside the crime demanding lynch 
law, yet you never hear the North decrying such crimes. 

Will deal more at length upon this matter in the third 
division of my subject. 

On the 26th of September, 1854, a convention was called 



52 The Unwritten South 

at the home of Seward, the object of which was to organize 
the Repubhcan party. Wendell Phillips declared that it was 
the first sectional party ever formed in this country; "it is 
pledged against the South." The Democrats warned the Re- 
publicans that the South would not live under a government 
which was to be administered to destroy them. The South- 
ern men were laughed to scorn. About this time occurred the 
great Kansas excitement. This was a mere State-territory 
and when it seemed probable that it would be settled mainly 
by Southern men, New England organized emigrant societies 
and filled it up with abolitionists, and sent out men like John 
Brown, who, as you know, murdered whole families in cold 
blood. 

Nothing that the South could do short of surrendering 
their free institutions and their State rights could have satis- 
fied the factions of the North. The people honestly believed 
that society and their lives would not be safe in the Union as 
administered by such men. The Presidential campaign, which 
soon followed, was conducted with such violence and malignity 
towards the South that it might well alarm the people of that 
section. The famous Helper book, of which 10,000 were cir- 
culated, was the chief document of the campaign. It contained 
such sentences: "We contend that slave holders are worse 
criminals than common murderers." "The negroes, nine out 
of ten cases, would be delighted to cut their masters' throats." 
"Small-pox is a nuisance, strychnine is a nuisance, mad dogs 
are a nuisance, and so are slave-holders." At a meeting in 
Massachusetts the following resolution was unanimously 
passed : 

Resolved, "That it is the right and duty of slaves to resist 



The Cause of the War 53 

their masters and the right and duty of the North to incite 
them to resistance, and to aid them in it." 

Lincoln was nominated by the party endorsing John 
Brown. Above the chair of the President at the convention 
was placed a huge wooden knife twelve feet long. No won- 
der the Southern people demanded some pledges that the many 
threats should not be visited upon them. If I fail to give cor- 
rectly the ideas held by the sections, term me a fanatic also, 
and coimt it for what it is worth. Now remember that the 
South had never talked of secession except as a remedy for 
aggrievances upon their constitutional rights. On the other 
hand, in the North, as you cannot have failed to see, there 
was always a busy working to overthrow the Union because 
it hated the Constitution as admitted, and was at enmity with 
the South from an old grudge, growing out of the early con- 
flict between the monarchical principles of Hamilton and those 
of Jefferson. 

This old hatred on the part of the North, which had been 
burning and smouldering ever since the establishment of the 
Government, was now recruited by the fiery and fanatical ele- 
ment of abolitionism to such an extent that the conflict long 
threatened by the North, and dreaded by the South, burst upon 
the country. All but South Carolina came to the conclusion of 
withdrawing after doing all in their power to prevent it, and 
withdrew from those who would not keep their compact, very 
reluctantly. It was simply a seceding from secession. Again 
and again representatives tried to compromise the trouble, 
offered resolutions, and asked the North what more they 
wanted to satisfy them ; but the South could get no satisfactory 
answer. Repeatedly the South was thus slapped in the face 



54 The Unwritten South 

and dared to wink. Hamilton's defeat at the Constitutional 
Convention, and his further failure to misconstrue the mean- 
ing of the Constitution, called forth great sympathy from his 
friends, in opposition to the popular Jeffersonian principles. 

The term rebels was at last imposed upon the South by 
the North in order to presume to be for the Union themselves. 
If Davis had wished to dismember the Union he would have 
taken some steps towards it while in the cabinet of Buchanan 
as Secretary of War. A traitor might have been dangerous 
with the guns in his hands. At last dear reader, when the 
truth of history shall be its glory, the then existing generation 
shall have a full conception of the prejudice of a fanatical sec- 
tion of states. Of course there were lots of illiterate men who 
did not know that the South had kept the Union of States so 
long, and had made the nation and the flag what it was. The 
South had not even thought of a flag under which to fight until 
at Harper's Ferry, when the militia captured John Brown, and 
some one asked, "under what flag shall we fight?" when the 
noted Ashby grasped the flag of Virginia and said, "I am going 
to fight under this." 

In order to show still further the disposition of the South 
towards the Union, will mention some of the measures taken 
to avert war. First, the great Crittendon compromise, in 
which the South offered to give up three-fourths of the terri- 
tory to the North, though they had equal rights with them. 
This sacrifice was rejected. Mr. Clemens then proposed to 
submit the matter to the vote of the people, which was also 
rejected. Senator Douglas then said, 'Tf you Republicans 
will not accept any of these compromises what are you willing 
to do? I am speaking to you. Republicans, for if you are 



The Cause of the War 55 

wilHiig to accept nothing but war you are responsible for it, 
for the only difficulty in the way of a compromise is the Re- 
publican party." 

You remember Douglas was ejected bodily from the hall 
in Philadelphia by the party that stole the name of the party 
which alone had the right to claim the name, having made the 
Republic of which the name is a representation. 

The framers of our institutions had to assume the name 
of Democratic Republican in distinction from the monarchial 
spirit of the Whig, now Republican party. Next this party 
stole the flag of the States to fight the States that defended it 
in the war of 1812. Where were these patriots of New Eng- 
land when England was trying to tear down the "Stars and 
Stripes" at Bladensburg and North Point? What a shame 
for the North to claim a right to own it, when it disgraced it 
by offering to defeat it. Do you not observe the same spirit 
in New England to-day, in protecting her own commerce in 
preference to the country's good? 

But you have not heard all that the South did to prevent 
the horrors of war, for when everything else had failed, old 
Virginia asked that a convention be called, of one or more 
from each State, to see if they could not hit upon some plan 
to save the Union. This created such a clamor for peace that 
the North had to agree to send representatives, but at once 
they set themselves to work to prevent those from going to 
the convention who wanted peace. Carl Shurz telegraphed 
to the Governor to appoint such commissioners, "myself one, 
who will strengthen our side." Chandler did the same thing 
in his State. 

It may be stated by the fanatics that as the South organ- 



56 The Unwritten South 

ized a confederacy, with Davis President, they levied war 
upon the North; but it was only a provisional government, 
into which they hoped all would come and be at home. The 
new constitution was same in substance as original, except 
being rid of any ambiguity in points which the fanatics tried 
to misconstrue. 

Immediately after Lincoln's inauguration the Southern 
men sent a commission to Washington to negotiate for a peace- 
able adjustment of the matters of forts, &c. Those commis- 
sioners were told that just at the moment nothing could be 
done, but at an early date they should be heard. Week after 
week they were delayed; while Lincoln and Seward were se- 
cretly planning to reinforce Fort Sumpter, of South Carolina, 
with one of the largest naval fleets ever seen upon American 
waters. To further show their insincerity, finally they were 
promised the rights to the markets of Charleston for provis- 
ions and that no attempt to reinforce the garrison should be 
made, while at the same time they were making the most stu- 
pendous preparations to reinforce it. 

Judge Campbell, of the Supreme Court, was the agent 
through whom this treaty was made. After finding out that 
Lincoln and Seward were deceiving him he wrote to Seward 
and accused him of his course of fraud in the matter. Seward 
never dared an attempt in answer. Seward had told Camp- 
bell that Fort Sumpter would be evacuated in a few days, at 
which time he was completing his arrangements not to evacu- 
ate it. Campbell, becoming uneasy as to Seward's faith being 
kept, again wrote him to that effect, when Seward telegraphed 
back, ''Faith as to Sumpter kept ; wait and see." In a very 
few days they did see the fleet threatening the city. Beaure- 



The Cause of the War 57 

gard proposed to Anderson that if he would promise not to 
reinforce the fort, he would not fire upon it ; but Anderson 
flatly refused to so promise, when Beauregard decided to pre- 
vent its reinforcement by occupying it himself. 

By the law of nations this was a declaration of war. It 
needs not the firing of a gun to begin war. The leading jour- 
nals of Europe said at the time that war was fairly begun by 
the North in fitting out the fleet. To allow Lincoln's forces 
to reinforce the forts of the South would have been to put' 
everything into the hands of the powers at Washington, who 
had proven themselves incapable of showing the least respect 
to their own most solemnly uttered promises and compacts. 

The firing of the forts, which lasted for twelve hours from 
both sides, resulted in Major Anderson running up a flag of 
distress, when Beauregard sent a boat to him and offered to 
assist in putting out the fire, but before the boat reached him 
he hoisted a flag of truce. Not a man was killed on either 
side. When Anderson surrendered his sword Beauregard at 
once returned it to him and allowed him on leaving the fort to 
salute it with fifty guns. Lincoln held a reception and greatly 
rejoiced at the result of Beauregard defending the fort against 
the fleet, and the cry that ''the flag has been fired upon" was 
sent like wild fire through the North to raise troops and de- 
ceive the people ; and thus the work of firing up the minds of 
the Northern people had begun. Without such schemes they 
never could have raised an army. Two days after this the first 
war proclamation was made and the work of destroying the 
State government by the general government was fairly begun, 
and was started by one who had accepted his election by State 
Rights and not by the popular vote. 



58 The Unwritten South 

So thus the Sovereignty of the States was employed to 
subvert the Sovereignty of States. No one was allowed to ar- 
gue against the proceedings, as the bands played and the ex- 
cited people yelled. What an unwarranted presumption for a 
minority to set up judgment against a majority, after the mi- 
nority has broken faith. What could be more absurd than for 
a party to derive from the very act of violation, justification 
of their conduct. 

Truly the most dangerous enemy a country has is them- 
selves ; their passions and their zeal. It was sheer blindness 
that led men to attempt to force a Union, a very despotism. 
The time was for the representatives of the people to judge of 
the propriety, the utility and necessity of such a Constitution, 
but that time was past — the work done. To change it now 
belonged to the three-fourth vote. If the love of liberty and 
justice prompted the Constitution, and intelligence made it, 
what God-given powers are there to ignore it. The animals 
have natural protection for their bodies, men depend upon 
some agreement of protection of their own making. What 
avails a Constitutional liberty if it can be destroyed by any other 
power extant? If a State cannot make an Act of Congress 
void, no more can the general government make a State law 
void. There existed State sovereignties as well as United 
States sovereignties. If one abides by no Constitution there is 
no restraint upon such a political body, who are answerable to 
none but themselves. 

The Republican party said it was friendly to the States 
and the enemies to consolidation of general government, and 
yet to accomplish a paltry object, were willing to settle a prin- 
ciple which would eventually plant a consolidated government 



The Cause of the War 59 

upon the government of States. Can you talk to men of 
transgressions when there are none to judge of transgression 
but themselves. 

Still further, if it be questionable whether the legislature 
can do what the Constitution has not explicitly authorized, 
there can be no question that it cannot do what the Constitu- 
tion expressly prohibits. In all free governments its powers 
are exercised by different men, and the Union of the several 
powers in one head is the peculiar characteristic of despotism. 
We have a division of constitutional powers and provinces 
strongly marked, and every act of one or all of the branches 
tending to confound these powers must be destructive of the 
Constitution. Our government was founded on the principles 
which constitute the difference between, a Constitution and a 
despotic power. A distribution of the powers of the legisla- 
tive, executive, and judiciary, with several hands. By the first, 
all legislative power is given to Congress ; by the second, all 
executive functions are vested in the President, and the third 
declares that the judiciary powers shall be exercised by the 
Supreme and Inferior Courts, but the judiciary powers of 
course could not be used to alter established laws — only to 
enforce them. 

Who were the usurpers of power in the contention? Did 
the strong government accuse the States of struggling for 
more authority than they had always had, or was it not the 
other way, that the general government was ever aiming to en- 
croach upon the States — the creature scowling at the creator. 
The object of the fanatics was to get away the power from the 
States, which they always held, and more than was ever con- 
tended for at the birth of the Constitution. 



6o The Unwritten South 

Patrick Henry predicted that absolute despotism would en- 
sue, should a bad or monarchical man be elected. He advo- 
cated the principle adopted by Switzerland, which held dissim- 
ilar forms of government, but always held together, and were 
formidable to infringements from other nations. 

Senator Hoar, of Massachusetts, recently made a speech at 
the University of Iowa, in which he said, "The fate of a nation 
in last resort depends upon individual characters." When the 
people were considering the adoption of the Constitution one 
of the statesmen said, "The only security of a nation is when 
the rulers have the same interest of the people, and if they have 
not, the Constitutional restraints will break down somewhere." 
But the very Constitutional safeguard needed and achieved was 
against anarchy and monarchy. Hoar attempts to place char- 
acter in distinction from the Constitution ; but who framed and 
adopted the Constitution, and for what? Did not the finest 
characters obtainable figure in the make-up of the Constitution 
and provide for its defects by recommending amendmenl-*; 
thereto? The judicial powers would have held the lack of 
unity, of interest, and of character, which broke the Constitu- 
tional compact, a treasonable crime. But it was neither within 
its province nor that of Congress. 

Senator Hoar has also very recently said, in upbraiding 
Holmes, of the same State, "the right and wrong of our judi- 
cial power for right or wrong, will not be settled under the 
present form of governm.ent. There will always be that an- 
tagonistic spirit, and the bench will rule according to the lean- 
ings of the constituents." Said he, "A boat cut loose from its 
moorings is a risky craft, which may reach its destination, 
but more apt to become a wreck." 



The Cause of the War 6i 

After forty years he sees through different eyes from his 
brethren who advocated no moormgs. He has not yet how- 
ever come forward Hke a man and admitted that our fathers 
of the Southern chme were right. The same was appar- 
ent in the life and experience of James G. Blaine. He who 
had fought hard for the tariff laws in all of its phases, finally 
came to see and to say that reciprocity was the salvation of 
our country. But the Republican party is king, and no man 
dares to make innovations at risk of his political life. 

But I must hasten to bring this section of communication 
to a close. We have come to the beginning of the war in our 
consideration of the subject. Are you not surprised that it 
did not come sooner? Can you, who I hope will look at the 
matter without prejudice, see any sincerity in one section of the 
country presuming to force another section, by sheer scheming 
and deception, to desist from doing summarily and immedi- 
ately what the latter had done itself but a short time previous 
under protection of the same law as had existed all along? 
You know the North had owned slaves and voted against abol- 
ishing the same, and admitted that the Constitution protected 
slavery, and that no effort was even made to amend the Consti- 
tution so as to nullify slavery. No measures ever taken to 
punish any cruelty to slaves. 

Again, can you see any common sense, outside of the evi- 
dence to the contrary, in the South fighting, as they did, 
simply to destroy their own property, the free institutions, 
as they were accused of doing? They craved no territory, 
but had just given all that is included in Ohio, Illinois and 
Indiana, and by their resolutions offered still more for sake of 
peace. They expressed no desire or inclination either direct- 



62 The Unwritten South 

ly or by impHcation to criticise or dictate to the North, nor 
were they ever chargeable with any breach of contract. 

Is it not plainly apparent now that the Republican party 
could have saved hostilities and war if it had wished to do so. 
Will yet give you the opinion of some of the leading statesmen 
concerning the constitutional right to secede, as well as the 
feasibility of same. 

The Constitution reads, we, the people of the United 
States, not we, the United States. The latter was not allowed 
in the compact because all of the States were numbered and 
named, and would have had no redress, upon an aggrievance. 
The right to withdraw was deliberately decided upon by right of 
reservation. Owing to the limited press and the scanty circula- 
tion of literature at that time, the discussions at the conventions 
were not diffused generally, as such things now are, but 
were known to the leaders, and the more intelligent only. 

Madison, who was called the father of the Constitution, 
said in the convention that made the Constitution, "Any gov- 
ernment for the United States formed upon supposed practica- 
bility of using force against the unconstitutional proceedings 
of the States would prove visionary and fallacious." Presi- 
dent Jackson said at his farewell address to the people of the 
United States, "The Constitution cannot be maintained nor 
the Union preserved in opposition to public feelings by the 
mere exertion of the coercive powers confided to the general 
government." Buchanan's message to Congress was, "Has 
the Constitution delegated to Congress the power to coerce a 
State into submission, which is attempting to withdraw or has 
actually withdrawn from the Confederacy?" If answered in 
the affirmative, it must be on the principle that the power has 



The Cause of the War 63 

been conferred on Congress to make war against a State. A 
Union of States cannot be construed to mean the result of 
the destruction of the identity of the States. A union of things 
is a pluraHty, not a unit. 

It is manifest, upon an inspection of the Constitution, 
that this is not among the specific and enumerated powers 
granted to Congress. If this had been so, the close of the war 
would have determined the matter, and established existing 
conditions without amending the Constitution. So far from 
this power having been delegated to Congress, it was especially 
refused by the convention which framed the Constitution. 
But these well sustained principles are not what justified the 
Southern sentiment. Listen, Lee said over and over that "all 
the South asks is that the government as framed by our fathers 
be not tampered with." 

It cannot be asserted that the South would not free its 
slaves, and for this reason the war was precipitated, for several 
States had voted upon the matter with almost a majority in 
its favor. Now, if the States originally held right to determine 
as to its citizenship, and had never disposed of such right, 
what manner of means would allow a combination of States 
to act for such States, or independent of them. The idea of 
the Constitution was that the threat of a State to revolt at an 
aggrievance should call for sympathy and protection from the 
Federal Government, and not criticism and reprimand. Mar- 
tin Luther and George Washington rebelled against lawful 
authority, yet what they secured for us in civics and religion 
made them very popular ; so much so that it is impossible to' 
conceive of the colonies voluntarily entering a compact against 
their liberties, and in favor of centralized power. It is only 



64 The Unwritten South 

reasonable to suppose that all would very carefully guard their 
original rights against such forms of government as held by 
Rome and England. 

Massachusetts was so eager to push the trouble to war 
that she began to prepare for war before the election of Lin- 
coln. The Governor boasted of the fact that her troops were 
passing through New York on their way to Washington be- 
fore the President's proclamation had been generally read. 
They came yelling like Indians and went through the city 
singing John Brown is marching on. It was only too true, 
the soul of Brown was in them and on its second raid. This 
second raid was on a grander scale and carried on by a Fed- 
eral administration at the expense of the people of the United 
States. They were the traitors who but a few years ago had 
publicly burned the Constitution on the Fourth of July 
in Boston. This State had supported a paper for twenty-five 
years that flaunted the motto, *'The Union is an agreement 
with death, and a covenant with hell." The Union they 
clamored for was such as should be dictated by them on a new 
platform, and not a Union such as they intimated and preached 
to the people. A prominent man of the same State said 
that "this war would put an end to Democracy, which would 
be worth all the blood that should be shed." 

More than two-thirds of the soldiers never realized until 
after they were in service some time, that the war was to en- 
franchise the negro. Many of them complained and threat- 
ened to revolt at prospects of such a calamity, when they were 
assured that such was not the case, by some of the officers. 
Grant himself said : 'Tf I thought this war would free the 
negro I would put my sword in its scabbard and go home." 



The Cause of the War 65 

I remember yet distinctly of hearing my father, who was a 
Maryland conservative at the time, say to an avowed Repub- 
lican abolitionist, that the time would come when the negro 
would march up to the polls and vote with him. Of course 
he hooted at the idea of this, and like all these bitter people, 
he went from one degree to another, and the next thing he 
was heard to say was that he had as leave see a negro next 
President as a white man. I might thus fill pages of similar 
almost incredible facts. Hope you have seen by now that the 
Southern people were not of the rebel kind, but had always 
had pride in principles — were kind and charitable. 

As forty years have passed since our country passed 
through the troublous times herein spoken of, the passions of 
men have had time to cool, and it is right that the children of 
the South should have a true history of the part their fathers 
took in that period which "tried men's souls." It becomes 
necessary for every one to do all he can to heal the wounds of 
the past, and to cultivate that patriotism which is one of the 
highest elements of our nation, because the histories of the 
war which have been written for the schools have been com- 
piled by those who were so-called victors in the conflict. We 
are glad to see the Southern States dispensing with such books 
as contain the Battle Hymn of the Republic, Marching through 
Georgia, &c., though some such books contain such fine dic- 
tion that there is a sacrifice in that direction. The ridiculous is 
still in existence as far south as Maryland, for some teachers 
yet have their pupils recite Barbara Freitchie, and teach the 
pathos of John Brown kissing the negro baby. 

That the record of the South may loose none of its bright- 
ness, and that the decendants of those who laid down their 



66 The Unwritten South 

lives in the war should know they laid them down, not as 
rebels, against the government to which they had sworn alle- 
giance, but with the truest loyalty and obedience to the same, 
I hope to show by the progress of the war that the prepara- 
tion which the Southern people so hastily made, was made 
only as a means of protection to themselves, and not a defiance 
of the general government ; and if I succeed in doing so, surely 
no good man can question their right to put forth all the 
powers God had given them for the sake of their homes and 
their families. There should be no crime in dififering upon any 
subject, but the Yankees made the matter of sufficient magni- 
tude to demand bloodshed and war. It is presumed by the 
North that the States existed by reason of the Union, and that 
the States did not of free will join the Union with all rights not 
delegated reserved. What right had the administration, the 
servant, to dictate the province of the States. Even if it 
could have been done technically, it had been sheer robbery 
of the people's confidence. 

Almost everybody at the North said, at the beginning of 
the war, that if Lincoln and his party really intended doing 
what the Southern people said they would do they would be 
justified in any course they pursued. It is now seen that they 
have done just what the southern leaders predicted they would 
do. I should feel that I had not done justice to the occasion 
if I failed to give the last speech of Jefferson Davis, delivered 
in the Senate of the United States, with a mildness and dig- 
nity of voice and manner truly ennobling. 

"But we have proclaimed our independence. This is done 
with no hostility or desire to injure any section of the country, 
nor even for our pecuniary benefit, but solely from the high 



The Cause of the War 67 

and soUd motives of defending and protecting the rights we 
inherited, and transmitting them unshorn to our posterity. I 
know that I feel no hostihty to you Senators here, and am 
sure that there is not one of you, whatever may have been the 
sharp discussion between us, to whom I cannot say now, in the 
presence of my God, I wish you well. And such is the feeling, 
I am sure, the people I represent have towards those you 
represent. I therefore feel I but express their desire, when I 
say, I hope^ and they hope, for those peaceful relations with you 
(thoiigh we must part) that may be mutually beneficial to us 
in the future. 

''There will be peace if you so will it ; and you may bring 
disaster upon the whole country if you thus will have it. And 
if you will have it thus we invoke the God of our fathers, 
who delivered them from the paw of the lion, to protect us 
from the ravages of the bear ; and thus putting our trust in 
God, and our own firm hearts and strong arms, we will vindi- 
cate and defend the rights we claim. 

*Tn the course of my long career I have met w4th a great 
variety of men here, and there have been points of collision' 
between us. Whatever of offence I have given which has not 
been redressed, I offer my apology for anything I may have 
done, and I go thus released from obligation, remembering no 
injury I have received, and having discharged what I deem 
the duty of a man, offer the only reparation in my power for 
doing any injury I ever inflicted." 

This is not the language of a conspirator or a traitor. 
Moreover, to show that this sentiment is substantiated, I have 
the authority to offer to any one who may wish to make the 
test of proving Davis or Lee a traitor to his country, the sum 



68 The Unwritten South 

of $500. If this is practicable it will require but a bit of paper 
and ink. If it is not done we may safely conclude that it can- 
not be done, and we stand justified in thus reciting the cause 
of the war; for if the South did not betray her trust, as 
charged, then the war was unjust and monstrously cruel. 
Davis' persistence in warning his opponents against bringing 
disaster upon the country, was not a threat to antagonize the 
Union, as it has been interpreted by politicians of the North, 
but was a hope that the North would yield to the Constitutional 
issue rather than dismember the Union. There never was a 
time when he doubted the justice of the case; he was only 
reluctant on account of the policy of hastily and vigorously 
pushing it to a crisis. In his own State he took measures 
against secession in '50 and '51, and drew the resolutions 
adopted by the Democratic ''State Rights" Convention which 
declared that secession was the last alternative, the final rem- 
edy, and should not be resorted to under existing conditions. 
He said further, that indiscreet men went too fast, and too far 
in defense of the issue which caused alarm for the Union, 
causing a reaction that was extreme in the other direction. 

Fresh in the minds of the southern people was the history 
of the success of the settlers at Jamestown in demanding 
of the King of England the appointment of a less tyrannical 
Governor than Harvey ; and later Bacon's failure to plant 
our independence upon the ruins of the famous Navigation 
Act instead of the Stamp Act one hundred years later by| 
Washington, because of delay. Had Davis' speeches been 
heeded, the war would have been averted, and our Country's 
interest advanced by fifty years in comparison. 

As the Constitution was formed from the sad experience of 
the Colonies with Monarchical Government, we cannot doubt 



The Cause of the War 69 

the sincerity of our fathers in so persistently holding to its 
protection from tyranny. The motto of the South has always 
been "An indissoluble Union of Indestructible States." 
Davis having been in Congress so long, anticipated what would 
be precipitated upon the producing section by the manufactur- 
ing section of the States, should the acquisition of territory 
ever determine conditions instead of the Constitution, by the 
many early tariff disputes. Though Davis was arraigned, 
and a bill found against him for treason, he was never tried 
because one of his prosecuting attorneys said, ''Gentlemen, 
the Supreme Court of the United States will have to acquit 
that man under the Constitution when it will be proven to the 
world that the North waged an unconstitutional warfare 
against the South." So the bill was pigeon-holed until 
Davis died; he had given Horace Greeley as his bondsman, 
and Reverdy Johnson as his Counsel, and stood ready for a 
trial. All honors to his ashes who stood like a pillar of rock- 
upon his convictions of right. When the officer attempted 
to shackle him, he said, "Mr. Officer do your best as I will 
do mine," when he flung him across the room. It required 
several men to overpower him. 

Doubtless you are ignorant of the fact that Jefferson 
Davis was secretary under President Buchanan, and that he 
carved his name in rock out at Cabin John's Bridge, and that 
when Seward became secretary under Lincoln he went to the 
trouble of entirely obliterating the inscription. How often it 
has been the case that the very makers of a worthy character 
have been the source of enmity and opposition. But patience 
and endurance count not time nor cost, but measures the date 
of the coming of justice by the conflicts past, and the strug- 
gles ended. 




JEFFERSON DAVIS. 



'No! not forgotten, though the halls 

Of state no more behold him. 
No! not forsaken, though the walls 

Of dungeon keeps enfold him. 
Still dearest to the Southern heart, 

Because her first anointed, 
The prophet chosen for his part. 

The man of God appointed. 
If dumb it is that tyrants check 

The words that fain were spoken, 
And set the foot upon the neck 

Of the people they have broken; 



If still it is that bond and chain 

Each manly limb encumber, 
And men but murmur in their pain, 

As children talk in slumber. 
We bow our foreheads in the dust 

In deep humiliation. 
Forgetting in our prayerful trust. 

Our own dark desolation; 
We ask for him who steered our ship 

Until it met the breakers. 
That the cup may pass that meets his lip 

Through mercy of his Maker," 



Progress of the War. 




GENERAL ROBERT E. LEE. 



"Forth from its scabbard pure and bright 

Flashed the sword of Lee; 
Far in front of the deadly fight, 
High o'er the brave in cause of right, 
Its stainless sheen, like a beacon light, 
Led us to many a victory. 



Forth from its scabbard, high in the air, 

Beneath Virginia's sky. 
And they who saw it gleaming there. 
And knew who bore it, knelt to swear, 
That where his sword led, they would dare 

To follow and to die. 



Out of its scabbard, where full long 

It slumbered peacefully, 
Roused from its rest by the battle song. 
Shielding the feeble, smiting the strong. 
Guarding the right and avenging wrong, 

Gleamed the sword of Lee. 



Out of its scabbard never gleamed 

Sword from stain as free. 
Nor brighter sword led braver band, 
Nor braver stood for brighter land. 
Nor brighter land had a cause so grand. 
Nor cause a chief like Lee." 



11. PROGRESS OF THE WAR. 

Is it not evident that the war began upon the South years 
ago? The actual fighting only began when the South saw 
the preparations for war going on, and when, after repeated 
attempts, she failed to obtain any assurance that war was not to 
be levied against her. From the grave of Patrick Henry 
was heard the old alarm : "When shall we be stronger, when 
we are tied hand and foot?" The South only asked such 
guarantee as was given her at Appomattox, and war should 
have been averted. I hope you see that it was only when the 
force of circumstances compelled them, that they resolved to 
take a last firm stand for their constitutional rights against 
insult and imposition. Flave you observed the dates of the 
northern military spirit, how that only when the buying of 
slaves had ceased at the South did the criminality of slavery 
appear so heinous as to demand war? Only when the busi- 
ness became unprofitable to England and New England did 
the conscientious North revolt at the evil. Then it was that 
the fanatics and politicians busied themselves in getting up 
fictions of masters beating their slaves, and refusing to allow 
them to learn to read, etc., which latter was to some extent 
prohibited, owing to the carpet bagger work in their midst 
and the circulation of malicious literature. This idea origi- 
nated from the fact that it was no uncommon thing for a man 
to own a whole county, and because he did not erect schools 
and furnish teachers he was opposed to public schools. 



74 The Unwritten South 

How vividly one is reminded after forty years, of the ex- 
citement and the reproach and scandal that was hurled upon 
the South. Truly they were treated as murderers and thieves 
rather than as fellow citizens, who had made the glory of our 
fair land what it was. O, the bitterness of hatred ! How 
little of morals it contains. How poor a dictator is an enemy. 
It belongs to strife and envy to criticise and rebuff. Even to- 
day the spirit of vengeance exists in the North among the 
younger people to a degree that would forbid my venturing 
to write in a compromising manner. To their dying day they 
will ever look with disdain upon the great South land as half 
barbarous and villainous. I hope none but those who wish 
to know the truth may ever get hold of this poor attempt at the 
hidden truth. But it is the duty plainly, as I conceive it, of 
everyone to set forth the mighty wrongs that have been heaped 
upon this, the best people known to our civilization, and 
that intolerant ignorance and untruthful teaching may gradu- 
ally cease to misrepresent the South, and thus besmirch the 
North. 

As given in the previous section the war began with the 
fitting out of the fleet which attempted to reinforce Fort Sump- 
ter in South Carolina. The object of the North was to hold 
Fort Sumpter, take Richmond and Montgomery, and "Nip 
the rebellion in the bud." The North, as you remember, re- 
fused to amicably adjust the matter of forts, arsenals, etc., but 
claimed everything, even in the southern territory. The South 
never attempted to control any such property at the North. 
It has always been a custom, and hence a law, that when a 
State ceded to a government any property for the general 
utility of the people, it reclaimed the same when it ceased to 



Progress of the War 75 

be used for such purpose. The primary object, however, was 
not to get control of the forts but to induce resistance, as I 
have already said. Had the South been more exacting and 
held on to the flag which was theirs by right of superior credit 
and not allowed the North to use it to raise an army against 
them, their followers would have been more. To justify their 
want of action, however, let it be said that they had little, 
time for anything after the Lincoln party had deceived them 
and were ready for the war, whilst the South was trying to 
prevent the same. There was barely time to get out the 
militia and enough of the citizens to prevent large losses of 
property, as you shall see. 

See the so-called Rebels helping to salute the stars and 
stripes at Sumpter. Only the necessity of a flag of distinction 
prompted them to settle upon a flag to represent State sover- 
eignty as against United States superiority. So you see plainly 
the South was not so much concerned about destroying the 
Union, or showing her strength to fight, as she had never de- 
clared war, which alone constituted rebellion, but some of the 
States, including Virginia, did not secede until after the Presi- 
dent's call for troops. This became the general incentive to 
fight, for the Southern people considered this proclamation a 
declaration of war, and another violation of the Constitution, 
which declared Congress to be the war-making power ; and 
when the President was so audacious as in the same proclama- 
tion to call upon Virginia and all the other States to raise the 
armies to subdue the South, there remained nothing to be 
done but throw in her lot with those States wdiich were deter- 
mined to fight to the death for those principles which were 
advocated by the State Rights people. 



76 The Unwritten South 

Virginia seceded three days after Lincoln's call for troops. 
The troops were at once called out to take possession of the 
government workshops at Harper's Ferry, Norfolk and other 
points. The manufacture of cannon and firearms began in 
earnest and the State of Virginia was in a blaze of excitement 
with military preparations. 

The Governor ordered some volunteer companies from 
Staunton and Winchester to capture Harper's Ferry, as it was 
deemed important, being at the junction of the Potomac and 
Shenandoah rivers, where there were military workshops and 
a great number of arms. The militia of the neighborhood 
began assembling for the same purpose. The United States 
officer in command, hearing of these hostilities, without 
awaiting orders from Washington, on the night of the i8th of 
April, attempted to destroy the factories, and arsenal, and 
military storehouse, by setting fire to them. Before the work 
of destruction was completed the Virginia troops arrived and 
secured a large cjuantity of machinery, cannon and small arms 
of great value to the government of the new union. The navy 
yard and shipping at Norfolk were also set on fire and aban- 
doned, but as was the case at Harper's Ferry, the work was 
too hastily done to be fully accomplished. The valuable dock, 
costing many millions of dollars, was saved. Fortress Mon- 
roe was garrisoned by Federal troops under General Butler. 

War was now fully begun. The Confederate government 
removed from Montgomery, where it had been organized after 
the secession of Alabama, to Richmond, which was chosen as 
the permanent capital of the Southern Confederacy. Colonel 
Robert E. Lee, who had given up his position in the United 
States army on the secession of Virginia, was offered by the 



Progress of the War 'jj 

Governor, with the consent of the convention of Virginia, the 
command of the forces of the State. He was the son of Light 
Horse Harry Lee, a famous Revokitionary officer, and had 
himself won a high reputation in the Mexican war. The es- 
teem in which he was held would have insured him the prin- 
cipal command in the armies of the United States if he had 
remained in the service of that government. But he deter- 
mined to share the fortunes of his native State, Virginia. He 
w^as soon afterward put in chief command of the Confederate 
troops. 

It was determined to bring some of the cadets from the 
military school at Lexington to drill the soldiers, and Major 
Thomas J. Jackson, then a professor in this school, afterwards 
renowned as "the christian hero" and ''Stonewall Jackson," 
was ordered to bring them to Richmond. Major Jackson 
wrote to his wife from Richmond that he had never seen any- 
thing like the military zeal throughout the country. At every 
station where they stopped petitions were presented to him 
to let them have a cadet to drill the men in the neighborhood. 

Every branch of business was deserted for the army ; even 
boys in the schools thought the time spent in study was time 
thrown away when the South was to be defended. The camp 
of instruction was in charge of another officer, but Major 
Jackson during his short stay there informally aided in the 
drill and discipline of the new levies that were flocking in from 
the Southern States, using the cadets whom he had brought 
from the military school as assistants. 

While he was thus engaged the Governor of Virginia nom- 
inated him for Colonel of the volunteers. This appointment 
excited some surprise, for although he had distinguished him- 



78 The Unwritten South 

self in the Mexican war, that was long enough ago for it to be 
forgotten, and he was only known to the world generally as 
an unpretending Professor at the Military Institute, who was 
laughed at by the boys for his eccentricities. When Governor 
Fletcher nominated him for the position of Colonel of the 
volunteers, some one asked, contemptuously, ''Who is .this 
Jackson?" The answer came promptly, from one who knew 
him. ''He is one who if ordered to hold a post will never! 
leave it, so long as he has life to defend it !" 

An incident of how Jackson went to West Point may be 
of interest: On a stormy November day, in the year 1845, 
two anxious looking young men sat in the public sitting room 
of the Bailey House, at Weston, in what is now Lewis county, 
W. Va. 

"You'll be the one, Tom," whispered one to the other, as 
the waiter entered, bearing a letter in his hand. "I am afraid 
not, Gib," was the reply from a serious faced youth, who was 
large for his age, which was only seventeen. As the negro 
looked around Gib. fairly trembled with eagerness, while 
Tom's features settled into a sort of grim composure. 

"Mr. Gilbert Butcher !" called the waiter. 

Gib. sprang forward, seized and tore open the envelope, 
then waved it emphatically, "It's mine !" he shouted, and 
was about to follow the assertion up with an old fashioned 
yell, when the sight of his companion's face checked him. 
"I am sorry Tom, on your account. I thought Mr. Hays 
would certainly have chosen you." 

But by this time Tom Jackson had recovered from his 
disappointment and was able to congratulate his fortunate 
rival. "I am glad you got it Gib," said he, "seeing that I 



Progress of the War 79 

didn't. You are ahead of me in mathematics, and they say 
that counts at West Point." 

He went sorrowfully out and mounted a jaded looking 
gray mare. He was hailed from an upper window of the 
hotel, "Sorry I could not appoint you both, Tom," said an 
elderly, well garbed Congressman, "but as I have only one 
West Point appointment falling to me this time, I had to let 
Gib. have it. He is ahead of you in his studies, you know." 

"I've always had to work," continued Tom, rather sadly ; 
"Gib could go to school, but if I should ever have another 
chance, please don't forget me, Mr. Hays." 

As constable Thomas J. Jackson rode away, his earnest 
tone and manner impressed the Congressman so deeply that 
he remembered it later on, when Tom's second chance unex- 
pectedly came, for Butcher, after a month or two at West 
Point, suddenly returned home. One of the first to meet him 
was Jackson, still riding as constable for Uncle Cummins, who 
was a justice of the peace. "What brings you back?" asked 
Jackson, who was greatly surprised, when Gib. confessed that 
the hazing, discipline and military severities were more than 
he could stand. 

It appeared that Gib. had resigned. Tom hurried to his 
uncle, resigned his constableship, borrowed $70 from the 
squire, packed his saddlebags and headed the gray mare to- 
ward Washington, over three hundred miles away. In two 
weeks he knew the power of appointment would lapse into the 
hands of the Secretary of War. The mud roads were terri- 
ble. When the old mare gave out Tom sold her and managed 
to go on by stage coach, though various delays nearly drove 
him wild with fear of coming too late. He reached the capital 



8o The Unwritten South 

cold, hungry, tired and late at night. Mr. Hays, though sur- 
prised, greeted him kindly. "I fear you are too late, Tom," 
said he. "The appointment passed to the Secretary this very 
day." "The day isn't over until midnight," Jackson said. 
"It is hardly eleven o'clock yet. I couldn't get here sooner." 

Again, impressed by Tom's dogged earnestness, the Con- 
gressman took him in a hack to the Secretary's house, routed 
that official from his bed, and as his best excuse for such stren- 
uous proceedings, placed Tom's weary homespun figure and 
simple story before him. While the Congressman and the 
great war official talked Tom fell asleep in his chair. The 
Secretary was a reasonable man. As he gave his ready assent' 
he pertinently added: "This is the kind of youngster West 
Point needs ; he doesn't quit easily." 

The following day the appointment was duly made and 
Mr. Hays intrusted him still further. 

"Got any money Tom?" he asked, with a shrewd percep- 
tion of the young man's situation. 

Jackson confessed that his financial resources were about 
exhausted by explaining that he had walked from Harper's 
Ferry, leaving his saddlebags to come on by stage. 

"How will you reach West Point; should you fail likej 
Butcher, how would you get back home ?" 

"I'll not fail, like Gib. You have always known me, Mr. 
Hays. I 'lowed you would loan me enough to get there — 
that is all I need." Jackson's faith in himself and his patron 
shone in every lineament of his face. The Congressman's con- 
stituents said that their member had a good deal of "horse 
sense." He then evinced it by sending Tom rejoicing to West 



Prosrress of the War 8i 



'to 



Point, where he ''passed" and remained, and finally was grad- 
uated with honor. 

Four years later, when he returned to his old home with 
a lieutenant's epaulet on his shoulder^ his first task was to re- 
pay his uncle and the Congressman their loan. Before the 
death of either, the lad who had ridden his old mare over the 
Alleghanies and sold her to pay stage fare^ and finally walked 
when means gave out, passed into history from the fatal field 
of Chancellorsville as "Stonewall Jackson." 





STONEWALL JACKSON. 



" 'Twas as the dying of the day, 

The darkness grew so still; 
The drowsy pipe of evening birds 

Was hushed upon the hill. 
Athwart the shadows of the vale 

Slumbered the men of might. 
And one lone sentry paced his rounds 

To watch the camp that night. 

A grave and solemn man was he, 

With deep and sombre brow; 
The dreamful eyes seemed hoarding up 

Some unaccomplished vow. 
The wistful glance peered o'er the plain, 

Beneath the starry night. 
And with the murmured name of God, 

He watched the camp that night. 



We mourn for him who died for us, 

With one resistless moan. 
While up the valley of the Lord 

He marches to the throne! 
He kept the faith of men and saints 

Sublime, and pure, and bright]; 
He sleeps, and all is well with him 

Who watched the camp that night. 

Brothers! the midnight of our cause 

Is shrouded in our fate; 
The demon Goths pollute our halls 

With fire, and lust, and hate. 
Be strong, be valiant, be assured — 

Strike home for Heaven and right; 
The soul of Jackson stalks around, 

And guards the camp to-night." 



Progress of the War 83 

Maryland was quite as earnest as V^irginia for the South- 
ern cause, but, because of her position, it was harder for her 
to join the Southern States, and the North determined that 
she should not do so ; and they did succeed in preventing her 
secession, but her brave soldiers fought shoulder to shoulder 
with Virginia's. Scarce a town of Maryland along the border, 
but furnished some one who made himself famous for his brav- 
ery. Douglas, of Sharpsburg, Stonebraker, of Funkstown, 
Breathed, of Breathedsville, and so on. At Williamsport 
Clinton Rench was mobbed and murdered because he had the 
courage of his convictions, and cheered for some Southern 
leader amid those who cheered for their favorite side. 

When the Northern troops passed through Baltimore to 
go South they were met by a mob of citizens who declared this 
should not be. Blood was shed on both sides, and the Gov- 
ernor, who acted in the interest of the North, notified the 
United States Government that the people could not be con- 
trolled if troops were brought through the city, so they were 
taken through Annapolis. Marylanders were assured that the 
troops were only to be used to defend the capitol at Wash- 
ington. 

Maryland suffered greatly at this time ; her prominent 
citizens were arrested and imprisoned, and troops were raised 
on her soil, but she was true at heart all through the struggle 
and spared nothing of men, money, and stores, to help the 
cause she loved. 

The army of the South was made up principally of young 
men who had been reared in luxurious homes and knew noth- 
ing of the hardships which lay before in their paths. Full of 
military ardor, and lacking the wisdom which only comes 



84 The Unwritten South 

with experience, they expected to conquer their foes in the 
first battle and hve heroes ever after. 

But it was not long before they learned that war is not all 
enjoyment. Sickness attacked them; the measles and dysen- 
tery were enemies which overcame hundreds, and laid them 
low before they ever heard the sound of cannon. Oh, how 
hard it was to see in the hospitals young boys, hardly more 
than children, with all their longing for military glory, dying 
on their pallets before they had been able to strike a blow for 
the cause in which they had enlisted. 

On the 24th of May the first Zouaves marched across the 
bridge at Washington, and proceeding to Alexandria, took 
possession of the place in the name of the United States. This 
was the first invasion of the State by the enemy. Upon this 
occasion it fell to the fate of a citizen to shed the first blood 
in defence of his home. As the troops entered the city they 
saw floating from the top of the Marshall House, a small hotel, 
a Confederate flag. Colonel Ellsworth, the officer in com- 
mand, at once entered the house and proceeded to take down 
the flag, and started to go down stairs. At the first landing 
he encountered Mr. Jackson, the owner of the house. He was 
half dressed, having come out in great haste upon hearing of 
the invasion of his premises — "This is my trophy," said Col- 
onel Ellsworth to him, holding up the flag. "And this is mine !" 
answered Jackson, firing a pistol ball into his breast. He fell 
dead instantly, and in another second Jackson fell across his 
body, pierced by the bayonets and bullets of Ellsworth's fol- 
lowers. Jackson's wife ran and lifted his head when a soldier 
slapped her in the face. 

The great object intended to be accomplished by the in- 



Progress of the War 85 

vasion of Virginia was the capture of Richmond, which, as 
the capital of the State and the Confederacy, would strike a 
blow at the whole cause, and place the State again under Fed- 
eral rule. Four armies were to invade Virginia; the first by 
way of Fortress Monroe, the second by way of Manassas, the 
third to enter the State at Williamsport, Md., and the fourth 
to come from the North west towards the same point. 

As a child, the writer remembers yet the brand new army 
at Williamsport, which lay encamped for a short while drill- 
ing on the long meadows beside the old Potomac. It seems 
but a few years since his father called at the door of a country 
school, but four miles from Williamsport, and loaded up four 
or five of us, sisters and brothers, to go to see the army. 

The Confederate army was very much smaller than that 
of the United States for this reason ; the South had been di- 
vided up into large plantations, and had few large cities. The 
population was therefore much smaller, and besides, the North 
could draw from the whole world. The North also had the 
treasury of the United States, and the South was poor. Thus 
it required a great deal of management so to use these small 
armies as to meet the great forces of opposition against them. 
They were wisely placed in positions where they could be 
quickly thrown together if any one point was attacked. 

Beauregard kept his attention fixed upon Manassas and 
Alexandria, Johnston watched an army of eighteen thousand 
men in Shenandoah Valley. McClellan's army of twenty thou- 
sand was advancing from the Northwest, and the Confederates 
had not more than one-fourth the number to oppose it. Cour- 
iers were kept going between the armies all the time. 

There was one of Virginia's officers who demands es- 



86 The Unwritten South 

pecial mention among the Confederate men. General J. E. B. 
Stuart, famiharly known as "]eh Stuart," who by his in- 
defatigable energy and youthful ardor, infused into his serv- 
ice a dashing boldness which made him like a guardian spirit 
to the army. He was educated at West Point and had fought 
the Indians on the prairies, so that all of his experience served 
to fit him for his present task. He seemed to be everywhere 
at once. He would come into camp in a gallop, report his 
knowledge of the armies and affairs to the commanding officer, 
and away, without rest, to join his trusted comrades in dog- 
ging the steps of the enemy ; running incredible risks, and 
laughing over his hair breadth escapes. He was called the 
"Yellow Jacket," which was no sooner brushed off than he 
was there again. 

Harper's Ferry was a most important post to the Federal 
Government, as it commanded the Baltimore & Ohio Rail- 
road, crossing the Potomac at this point, and w^as the shortest 
route to and from Washington. The Confederate Govern- 
ment was very anxious to hold this place in consequence, but 
the Secretary of War had such confidence in General John- 
son that he told him he should do as he thought best. So 
when General Stuart brought in the news that Patterson was 
advancing towards Martinsburg and McClellan had reached 
Romney, he thought it best to move further up the valley so 
as to keep these two armies from joining and crushing him, 
and then going down to Manassas to join the Army of the Po- 
tomac. So he made his preparations to move by burning the 
railroad bridge at Harper's Ferry so the United States gov- 
ernment would have no way of transporting troops and provi- 
sions. Then he withdrew to Bunker Hill, about twelve miles 



Progress of the War 87 

from Winchester. There he offered battle to General Patter- 
son, but Patterson did not fight, and retired. Johnson then 
fell back to Winchester and waited for news from Stuart. 
Stuart reported that Patterson was again on the move toward 
Martinsburg, and Jackson, on the 20th of June, was sent to 
Martinsburg. 

The enthusiasm at Winchester among the soldiers knew 
no bounds at the prospect of a fight. They had been in camp 
so long that they were impatient for activity, and they knew 
they would have it if they followed Jackson. Jackson stopped 
at Martinsburg long enough to destroy the rolling stock and 
joined Stuart in front of Patterson's army at Williamsport. 
With Stuart to watch and Jackson to use his information there 
was no chance of an opportunity being lost. Jackson had 
orders not to fight but to feel the enemy, but the feeling 
amounted to a sharp skirmish, just enough to make the boys 
hungry for a fight. 

The maneuvering between Johnson and Patterson con- 
tinued for two weeks, then at Winchester. Each knew that 
the great battle was to be fought at Manassas, and Patterson's 
object was to prevent Johnson from reinforcing Beauregard 
by keeping near enough to him to make believe all the time 
that he would meet him in battle. Again and again Patterson 
refused to fight. 

The officers were not surprised when on the 19th of July 
a dispatch came saying that McDowell, in command of the 
Army of the Potomac, was marching to attack Beauregard. 
On the i8th there had been a slight engagement at Bull Run 
with the advance of the army, and Johnson was asked to join 
Beauregard as soon as possible. General Jackson had just re- 



88 The Unwritten South 

ceived his commission as Brigadier General. Johnson was 
ordered to leave Stuart bring up his rear and strike for Ashby's 
Gap, and was at Manassas, fifty miles away, before Patterson 
knew of his move. 

The great battle of Manassas was the first general en- 
gagement of the war. The Federal army was fifty-two thou- 
sand strong, while the Confederates had thirty-two thousand 
all told. The commissary department of the Federal army 
was perfect. They had every preparation made for their com- 
fort possible for an army in the field. The Northern news- 
papers had been preparing the people for this move for weeks. 
It was expected the Confederates would be crushed at this first 
blow. A large number of citizens, including ladies, came from 
Washington to see the fun, so confident were they of success, 
prepared to welcome the victors with feasting and rejoicing. 
The Confederates, on the other hand, were poorly equipped 
and poorly clad. The arms were all of very old fashioned 
pattern. Many of the men were only furnished with shot guns 
used for hunting game in the woods. The long lines of nicely 
covered wagons and fine horses and artillery contrasted sharply 
with the coverless wagons and poor horses of the Confederates. 
Though the odds were with the Confederates in other respects ; 
they were on their own soil, and were defending their homes. 
These incentives more than balanced the superior numbers and 
equipment of the foe. 

I shall not attempt a description of the battle, but shall 
aim to give the facts not generally recorded. The Confeder- 
ate line was eight miles long, extending along the bank of 
Bull Run. The Federal line was about three miles away on 
a road from Centreville to Alexandria. At a stone bridofe on 






Progress of the War 89 

the run was the heavy fighting, which lasted for hours, with 
varying success. At one time the shattered ranks of the Con- 
federates were sorely pressed by the overwhelming numbers, 
but at this critical moment General Jackson reached the scene 
with his brigade of two thousand men. These he quickly dis- 
posed upon the crest of a ridge and posted seventeen pieces 
of artillery along the line. On the right of Jackson was Gen- 
eral Bee with the remains of his forces, in all about six thou- 
sand five hundred men, against which number a column of 
twenty thousand Federals, mostly fresh reserves, surged from 
eleven o'clock until three, when again it seemed the day would 
be lost to the Confederates. General Bee rode up to Jackson 
and said in despairing tones, ''General they are beating us 
back." Then, replied Jackson, 'Sve will give them the bayonet." 
This inspired Bee with fresh resolution, and hurrying back 
to his dispirited men, he exclaimed, "There is Jackson, stand- 
ing like a stone wall ; rally behind the Virginians." This gave 
to Jackson's brigade the name of Stonewall brigade. A bayonet 
charge was made, before which the enemy fled. The gallant 
Bee fell, pierced by a ball. 

But fresh regiments continued to pour in, and the Feder- 
alists continued their line still further to the right. It was 
now four o'clock^nd thejFederalistSj. who had been repulsed 
but not routed, were preparing for another determined effort. 

Again, at this critical moment, the reserves from the Con- 
federate right, nine miles away, arrived under Generals Early 
and Holmes and arrested the flank movement of the Federals, 
while at the same time General Kirby Smith reached the field 
with the remainder of the army from the valley, who had ar- 
rived at Manassas Junction on the cars while the battle was 



F^O^R 



A 



h-'^ 



90 The Unwritten South 

raging and following the sound of the cannon and musketry 
assaulted the right wing of the Federal army. Consternation 
seized the ranks of the enemy from this unexpected attack 
and giving way they fled in confusion from the field, and ther 
did not stop until they were across the long bridge and within 
the defences of Washington. 

General Bartow was killed while rallying his brave Geor- 
gians. While his life was ebbing out he exclaimed, ''Yes, 
they have killed me, but never give up the field." General 
Kirby Smith was dangerously wounded. 

This ended one of the most remarkable battles of the 
world's history. The Confederates captured twenty-eight can- 
non and five thousand muskets. General Jackson, seeing the 
demoralization and panic stricken rout of the enemy, remarked 
that he believed with ten thousand fresh troops he could go 
into Washington. 

Here again the Confederate Government would not allow 
aggressive warfare, and Jackson was ordered to dismiss such 
intentions from his mind. Jackson was much aggrieved at 
this veto of his suggestion. With the Confederates in charge 
of the navy the Treasury and all, their cause would have been 
assured. This was not to be in the course of events and even- 
tually turned out as best for all, as I shall attempt to show in 
the next section of this little book under the head of "The 
Result of the War." 

After the battle of Manassas General Jackson was again 
promoted and ordered to a new command in the valley of the 
Shenandoah. This command was made up from the army 
which had been doing a great deal of hard fighting in West 
Virginia; but it had accomplished very little on account of 



Progress of the War 91 

the nature of the country, and it was determined to make the 
army more compact by bringing- the different parts of it nearer 
together. In taking command of this division Jackson was 
separated from the Stonewall brigade, which was ordered to 
remain under the command of General Johnson. This was a 
great trial to him and to the brigade, as he had led them from 
the beginning of the war, and the warmest affection existed 
between them. But orders must be obeyed, and it only re- 
mained for him to take leave of them, which he did in words 
too full of interest to be omitted. After speaking to them 
with the tender pride of a father of the record that they had 
made, and assuring them of the interest with which he would 
watch their future, his calm self control gave place to the 
most profound emotion ; his lips quivered, and throwing the 
bridle on the neck of his horse he rose in his stirrups, and ex- 
tending his arms toward them said, "In the army of the Shen- 
andoah you were the first brigade ! In the army of the Po- 
tomac you were the first brigade ! In the second corps of the 
army you are the first brigade ! You are the first brigade in 
the affections of your General, and I hope by your future 
deeds and bearing you will be handed down to posterity as 
the first brigade in this our second war for independence. 
Farewell !" 

May we not say that this invocation has been fulfilled? 
But the separation between Jackson and the first brigade 
lasted only a few weeks, for, much to the delight of all parties, 
they were ordered to join his command in November. 

What a wonderful man he was — this Jackson. I remem- 
ber of hearing a lecture upon the subject of "Jackson in the 
Shenandoah Valley," by Major Hotchkiss, member of his 



92 The Unwritten South 

staff, if I mistake not. After hearing this fine description of 
such a campaign in the mountain and intricate valley of Shen- 
andoah, I wished to see a map of his travels and engagements, 
but like the history of this terrible conflict, sacrifice, and suf- 
fering, after so long a time since its happening, it has not ap- 
peared. 

For a moment let us look at the State of Maryland, before 
we get too far on with the progress of the war. One would 
think in all decency of justice, a State which had not seceded, 
the thing so much ignored by the North, would be treated 
civilly. But what do we find — all this was no protection 
against the despotism agreed upon in the Republican coun- 
cils at Washington. The Mayor and police of Baltimore 
were seized and plunged into prison, where they were treated 
with a barbarity truly revolting. They were not allowed the 
privileges which always in civilized countries are permitted 
to convicted murderers. The Constitution, laws and courts of 
the State were all stricken down by a single blow. The State 
Legislature was dispersed at the point of the bayonet and 
its members smuggled away to distant dungeons. Judge Alvey, 
lately retired Chief Judge of the Court of Appeals, was a 
member of the body then. Private houses were searched by 
officials from Washington. Private letters, of ladies and gen- 
tlemen, were seized and sent to Seward and Lincoln to read, 
upon their throne of usurped authority. 

Suspicions of sympathies were sufficient for sending men 
to prison. An uncle's barn was burned near Bakersville, with 
its contents, by the so-called loyalists, because another man 
built a skiff in it, to cross the river, who was a Southern sym- 
pathizer. Near the same place a loaded grain boat was cut 



Progress of the War 93 

loose from its moorings and sent down over the dam, and' 
destroyed, because those interested in it were Southern sym- 
pathizers, though they never in any way interfered or took 
part in the trouble. Any debased wretch could procure the 
arrest of a gentleman or lady against whom he had a spite, or 
whose property he wished to plunder. It seemed almost any 
officer had authority to arrest or search at any time ; or at, 
least you heard of but few reprimands for so terrible a misde- 
meanor. The writer remembers his father refusing to yield 
to a supposed officer who pressed a Jot of hay, ordering also 
a team to help haul it, when after some time of delay, another 
officer came up and gave my father credit for not submitting 
to the demand, whereupon the first officer was sent off with 
his head hanging. Three or four different times was my father 
dragged off under arrest by false reports of horse thieves and 
plunderers of every description. Several times did raids of 
cavalry try to scare us from home by announcing that there 
would be a severe battle shortly, and that we would be in 
great danger. But we managed to hold on, and hold out at 
the old homestead, though we were but a few miles away 
from Antietam battlefield, and within one-half mile of a line 
of fortifications, behind which the lines had drawn up for bat- 
tle. At one time it was part of the writer's duty, though but 
eleven years of age, to watch for the battle to begin, when we 
intended to go into the cellar, which was arranged for our 
living room in case of emergency. One of the most trying ex- 
periences for a boy, as I remember, was to run after the horses 
and cows, as the cavalry would pass through and throw down 
the fences. 

He remembers almost getting between the lines at the 



94 The Unwritten South 

skirmish of FaUing Waters, when Lee's army crossed the Po- 
tomac, after the battle of Gettysburg. The horses we had 
left seemed possessed to follow the troops, and we could only 
check them by running them into a barn yard as the cavalry 
passed. 

One of the most striking reminiscences of the war has been 
vividly recalled since the issuing of the first edition of this 
little book, when the writer incidentally met the subject of the 
same, in the person of Archibald Oden, who now lives near 
Martinsburg, W. Va. How very short a time it seems since 
one morning at a country school house all was excitement as 
the pupils were running to and fro and chatting in an under- 
tone, a very unusual occurrence, of the absence of the teacher. 
Many of them had rightly guessed that he had joined the con- 
federate army. Oden was such a midget of a man that one 
would have thought a few months of service would end his 
life; but a lean dog for a long chase was verified in his case, 
as he fought all through the war, with the exception of the 
short time he taught school. He was captured in one of the 
early battles of the war, and jumped from the train at Ellicott 
City making his way to his cousin, John Breathed, at 
Breathedsville. Breathed being a staunch Southerner, ar- 
ranged to get him back into the Southern lines by getting him 
a school to teach for a while, and finally by a pass-word to 
cross the river. But unfortunately for Oden he was contract- 
ing a fever, which fact urged him the more to get back to 
friends and home, and as he reached the banks of the Potomac 
he sank beneath a tree, in the chill of the night, where he lay for 
three days with a raging fever. When he had sufficiently re- 
covered to move on he forgot his pass-word, and had quite a 



Progress of the War 95 

time explaining to the ferry-man the circumstances. To show 
how cautious such movements had to be will give as near as 
possible his own description of the proceedings. Said he, 
"the ferry-man concealed me in the bushes and walked up the 
river some distance, kicking from its lodging place a log with 
a hole in either end, and floated it down opposite me. Then 
he went still further up and kicked out another log and floated 
it down to the same place. He then went into the bushes and 
brought out two short boards with a pin in either end, and by 
them fastened the logs together, after which he went in an- 
other direction and brought a board the same length as the 
logs and placed it on the short boards, and the craft was ready. 
Now, said the ferry-man, get on, and do it quickly. When 
the raft struck the other shore the ferry-man said good-bye, 
and God bless you." 

Let us look at the temper of the Yankees before we go 
further and see whether they resembled men trying to save 
the Union, restore peace, or represent any quality. When the 
Northern army was compelled to leave Harper's Ferry they 
set fire to everything of worth to the South before doing so, 
but, as I have said, the companies of the neighborhood suc- 
ceeded in saving much of the munitions. The next day Lin- 
coln's soldiers were ordered to use the torch at Norfolk navy 
yard, when again, with great difficulty, the city itself was 
saved. They had fired all the ships in the harbor. And now 
the awful fact stared the South in the face that the only means 
of protection it had was its own defense. Congress and the 
republican papers said they were going to leave "the ruts of 
their war chariots so deep in the soil of the South that eternity 
would not wear them out." 



96 The Unwritten South 

Remember, now, this is the party in power which had 
tried to estabUsh a Monarchical Government after the Revolu- 
tion, and the same party that tried to overthrow the govern- 
ment which our fathers did establish, for four years under 
Adams' administration. No wonder the malice so long pent 
up and so often crushed in its purpose, burst with such violence 
at last upon those who had heretofore so signally defeated the 
same. The periodicals at Washington were loud and distinct 
in saying that ''those who shape the legislation of this country 
after the war must remember that what we want is power and 
strength. The problem will be to combine the forms of a 
Republican government with those of. a Monarchial govern- 
ment." 

The North American, of Philadelphia, also said, 'This 
war has already shown the absurdity of a government of 
limited powers." So I would have you mark well, now, if 
you wish to see fairly, that under the cunning cry of the Union 
these traitors were trying to overthrow our free government 
and destroy the Union instead of save it. The South wanted 
union too, but the old union, and not a new one as was after- 
ward made by amendment. 

Do you not see plainly that the North was treasonous, as 
only the general government could be, as I have said. How 
could the State rebel against a thing they had made, and which 
was not even a party to any agreement, but simply an agent. 
A State can be guilty of a breach of cornpact, but not a re- 
bellion. Even this would be no question 'to be settled at the 
bayonet's point. It is only a matter of right and wrong. But 
the Republicans contended that the end justified any means. 
Later we will look carefully into the matter and try to see 



Progress of the War 97 

whether the end was justified and how much was gained by the 
North that they undertook. 

But to go back to the immediate progress of the war. 
After the poor success with which the Northern armies had 
met to this time it became evident that more excitement must 
be gotten up. The denunciations of General Scott and Mc- 
Dowell were really humiliating, as the North tried to put the 
blame upon these men, instead of the determination of the 
South. They finally saw that these tactics would have to be 
changed to get the masses into the war, so Congress passed the 
following resolution : 

Resolved, "That this war is not waged on our part in any 
spirit of oppression, or for any purpose of conquest, or for in- 
terfering with the rights or established institutions of those 
States, but to defend and maintain the supremacy of the Con- 
stitution, and to preserve the Union with all the dignity and 
rights of the several States unimpaired; and that as soon as 
these objects are accomplished the war ought to cease." 

Upon this solemn promise an army of 500,000 was called 
for and $500,000,000 authorized by Congress to carry on the 
war. This pledge was shamefully broken, and was only in 
keeping with the trick of the leaders in inaugurating the war 
itself. 

To show still further how Lincoln deceived the people will 
quote from a letter written by Cameron, Secretary of War, in 
August, 1 86 1, to General Butler, at Fortress Monroe, wherein 
he says : "It is the desire of the President that all existing 
rights in all the States be fully respected and maintained. 
The war now prosecuted on the part of the Federal Govern- 
ment is a war for the Union, for the preservation of all the 



98 The Unwritten South 

Constitutional rights of the States and the citizens of the 
States in the Union." 

All know this to have been false, yet it served the purpose 
for which it was intended. After the object of the war was 
changed and thousands of men saw they were deceived, none 
were allowed to oppose or argue, under penalty of being shot 
down for mutiny, so had to fight to free the negroes. 

While the events just described were going on in Virginia 
the campaign in the West was moving on vigorously, though 
in a smaller way. At St. Louis, Missouri, many citizens were 
shot down in the streets. The State had taken no steps to- 
wards secession, but as the State and the property and the 
lives of its citizens were already the prey of soldiers in Federal 
uniform, it is certainly true that the Federal administration 
began the work of subjugating the State in earnest before any 
signs of secession were apparent in the people or authorities of 
the State. 

Governor Jackson called out the Missouri militia, who 
were encamped under the laws of the State at a place called 
Camp Jackson, near the city of St. Louis. These State troops 
were compelled to surrender to a superior force of abolition 
soldiers under Captain Lyon, who was afterwards made a 
General by Lincoln. Immediately after this Governor Jackson 
called out 50,000 volunteers for State defense. 

The first important battle was fought at Carthage. After 
one of the most spirited engagements of the war the Yankees 
were badly whipped by a vastly inferior force. The Missouri 
army was a sorry sight in all but desperate fighting pluck. An 
officer gave the following humorous picture of its condition: 
"We had not a blanket or a tent, or any clothes, excepting 



Progress of the War 99 

the few on our back, and four-fifths of us were barefooted. 
Billy Barlow's dress at a circus would be decent compared 
with that of almost any one, from the Major down to the 
humblest private. But we had this preparation for battle, 
every one believed that he was fighting in a cause, the most 
sacred that ever aroused the heroism of man." 

General Freemont was now appointed by Lincoln to the 
command of the department of the West. He went into 
Missouri with the most ridiculous display of pomp and parade. 
He proclaimed "the abolition of slavery," and the confiscation 
of the property of all Missourians who adhered to the govern- 
m.ent of their State. 

After the people had thus been plundered and ravaged for 
months and literally fought out of the Federal Union, the 
legislature passed an act of secession and sent delegates to the 
Provisional Congress of the Southern Confederacy. Not until 
the State found its laws overthrown by an army under the pay 
of Lincoln's administration did it ultimately revolt. The 
presence of the army in Missouri was as great a crime as it 
would be in Massachusetts or Maine at the present time. 
These people were fighting for the preservation of their own 
State. Who are the people so low and unpatriotic as to lie 
still under such provocation. Such ruffians as Jim Lane, Jen- 
nison and others were sent there for their vile work, who 
were the former associates of John Brown. The banks of the 
State were robbed of their specie, and houses looted by free- 
booters, and all silverware, jewelry, ladies' wardrobes and such 
valuables appropriated. Cattle were driven off or killed. God 
forbid I should exaggerate, and were I willing to do so things 
were so bad that they could not be painted worse with all the 






lOO The Unwritten South 

coloring in the world. In description, one has said: "My 
whole journey to this place has presented harrowing sights — 
widows, wives, children and the aged, standing homeless by 
the wayside, their homes in flames and ruins. Whose destroy- 
ers are the valiant German and Dutch heroes of Seigel runa- 
ways from both fields, who show this paltry spite to helpless 
little ones, whose fathers and brothers are fighting for freedom 
of thought, word and action. A German republic or empire 
is their dream, and already this General Freemont is assuming 
all the trumpery and airs of foreign courts. He travels in 
state and has a German body-guard." It probably will never 
be known how far this scheme under Freemont had progressed 
at the time of his removal from command. So resolute was he 
that he refused to yield to Lincoln's order, and his men re- 
fused to fight for some time. Let it be said here, before leav- 
ing the war in the West, that not until many battles were 
fought and an army of 70,000 men were sent, did Missouri fail 
to outstrip them. 

All this time at Washington the Yankees had been put to 
their wits' end to get some one to take the place of the com- 
manding officer who was so put to the worse at Manassas. 
General McClellan was now taken up as the best man they 
had, and who had gained a victory at Rich Mountain, W. Va. 
After the withdrawing of McClellan from this section the 
Federal army was badly beaten by Floyd and Wise. But here 
again their little armies gradually became too small compara- 
tively, and General Lee, who had just received command in 
place of Garnett, was a bug-bear to Rosecrans, who retreated 
without a fight clear out of reach of Lee's army for the fall. 

AVhile events like these were going on in West Virginia, 



Progress of the War lOi 



'fe 



McClellan was drilling the Army of the Potomac, and General 
Johnson and Beauregard were keeping watch over him from 
Manassas and its vicinity. McClellan would not fight until 
he had been convinced that there was some hope of victory. 

There were no more battles that fall in this section ex- 
cepting the one at Leesburg, which was an important key to 
the Shenandoah Valley, at which place was a force of four 
regiments of Confederates under General Evans. General 
Stone received orders from Washington to cross the Potomac 
at Harrison's Island, into Virginia. At the same time Colonel 
Baker, a member of Congress from Oregon, was despatched 
to take command under Stone. Baker was put in command of 
all the forces on the Virginia side of the Potomac, and ordered 
by General Stone to dislodge the Confederates from Leesburg. 

Colonel Baker's force was four or five times as large as 
the little Confederate brigade at that place, and the people at 
Washington waited in confidence to hear that it was entirely 
gobbled up by Colonel Baker. But, alas, it turned out to be 
another Bull Run affair, on a smaller scale. The Confederates 
fought against such vast odds with a courage that amounted 
to desperation. The whole number in the engagement was 
only 1, 800, but they fired and yelled, with such rapidity, that 
amid the deafening noise the invaders thought their number 
was ten times as great. Colonel Baker's whole army at last 
gave way, and began a stampede down the hill to the river's 
bank. They pitched, tumbled and rolled down the steep 
bank, throwing away their guns and knap-sacks, plunged 
into the river. A large, flat boat, loaded with wounded and 
dying, was swamped and sank to the bottom with its load of 
humanity. The loss of the Federals was 1,300, 710 taken 



I02 The Unwritten South 

prisoners, among whom were twenty-two commissioned officers, 
also 1,500 stands of arms and three cannon. 

So great was the chagrin and mortification at Washing- 
ton that it had to be appeased by some victim, and General 
Stone was arrested and sent to prison without trial or charge. 
After many months, when he was left out, he was never in- 
formed of the cause of his arrest. 

For a short while let us see what was going on in the 
State of Kentucky. This State determined to remain neutral 
in the bloody conflict, while it justly condemned abolition and 
all its inhuman plans, but would not withdraw nor take any 
part with secession. This neutrality the Lincoln party pro- 
fessed to be satisfied with, and promised to respect it, but truth 
compels me to tell you that they broke the bargain the first 
instant they had power to do so. 

Some of the party connived with the authorities at Wash- 
ington to arrest some of the most respectable men of the 
State, whose influences they feared, and whose integrity they 
could not corrupt and utilize. Ex-Governor Morehead was 
seized by the party and dragged out of his own house at mid- 
night, in the presence of his frightened family, and spirited 
away out of the State, in direct violation of the State laws. 
For many months he was kept locked up in Fort Lafayette, 
denied a trial, not even allowed to know why he was impris- 
oned. This produced an uproar of indignation in the State. 
Lincoln's object probably was to get out of the way all who 
would not take sides with the North, and thus, in time, secure 
the State for their assistance. 

All idea of neutrality in the State was now at an end. 
The wildest anarchy and violence existed. Wherever the 



Progress of the War 103 

Lincoln force prevailed there was no security for the property 
or life of a man who was known to be opposed to the war. 
Governor Magoffin, who was desirous of preserving the neu- 
trality of the State, demanded that the Confederate troops 
under General Polk, at Columbus, should be withdrawn. Gen- 
eral Polk replied that he would promptly comply with his 
request, provided the Abolition army should be withdrawn at 
the same time, and that guarantees should be given that it 
would make no more attempts to occupy Kentucky. This 
proposition was agreeable to the Governor but was hooted at 
by the Lincoln party. The truth was that the administration 
wanted Kentucky as a base of supplies and operations against 
the South. On the 14th of September, 1861, the Confederate 
General ZoUecoffer wrote to Governor Magoffin as follows: 
'The safety of Tennessee requiring, I occupy the mountain 
passes at Cumberland, and the three mountains in Kentucky. 
For weeks I have known that the Federal commander at 
Hoskin's Cross Roads was threatening the invasion of East 
Tennessee, and ruthlessly urging our people to destroy our 
railroad and bridges. I postponed this precautionary move- 
ment until the despotic government at Washington, refusing 
to recognize the neutrality of Kentucky, had established for- 
midable camps in the center and other parts of the State, with 
a view to first subjugate our gallant State, and then ourselves. 
If the Federals will now withdraw from their menacing posi- 
tion, the force under my command shall be immediately with- 
drawn." 

Under the influence of Governor Brownlow there were 
Lincoln clubs formed in east Tennessee of a number of un- 
principled and desperate men who formed a conspiracy to 



I04 The Unwritten South 

burn all the bridges in their part of the State on the railroads ; 
this being a part of the general plan adopted at Washington 
of making invasions of the South through Kentucky and 
Tennessee. 

General Polk still held his headquarters at Columbus, 
where an army, commanded by General Grant, nearly three 
times as large as Polk's, marched to attack him from Cairo, 
Grant's army embraced a land force, gunboats and transports 
to act in conjunction with it. 'Twas said that Grant had men 
enough to surround the Rebel army. It has been asserted that 
Grant never risked a battle except when he led three or four 
times as many men as the enemy. The battle between him 
and the Polk forces took place at Belmont, near Columbus, on 
the 7th of November. For four or five hours the conflict 
raged with deadly fury. At length the Confederate officers, 
Beltzhoover, Bell and Wright, of Pillow's division, sent w^ord 
to their commander that their ammunition was all used. Gen- 
eral Pillow then instantly ordered the use of the bayonet. 
Accordingly a charge was made by the whole line and Grant's 
army was forced back to a woods, where he ordered up 
reserves, which in time forced the Confederates back to their 
old position. Twice again were Grant's soldiers forced back 
at the point of the bayonet, and each time the Confederates 
were obliged to yield to the reserve forces brought against 
them. At last Pillow ordered his whole line to fall back, and 
Grant seemed to have gained the victory just as reinforcements 
arrived under Colonel Walker. General Pillow again rallied 
his men and the wdiole conflict was opened again, if possible, 
with more violence than ever, and the Confederates gained a 
complete victory. Grant's whole arftiy fled before the yells and 



Progress of the War 105 

fire of Polk's men. There fell into the hands of the Confed- 
erates a great number of blankets, overcoats, wagons, horses 
and ammunition. In Grant's report of this battle he fails to 
give the complete defeat he received, but only mentions the 
early part of the battle. 

How little is known about the character and disposition 
of General Grant as a man. More than once he was taken 
home drunk, while President of the United States. As an 
evidence of his coarseness will cite an incident given by a 
witness, which can be confirmed also by some of Grant's 
friends, as he wrote home at the time giving an account of it. 
As he was entering Lynchburg upon a certain occasion, he 
met a boy of about 13 years, whom he asked where he was 
going. Of course children and women and all were suspected 
as spies at that time. The little boy said that he was going 
to his uncle's. Then he asked whether there were any rebels 
around there, to which the boy replied that there were not 
then, but that there were plenty of them the day before. The 
boy in turn then asked Grant where he was going. Grant told 
him that that was an impertinent question as he was General 
Grant, and further remarked that he might be going to Rich- 
mond, or he might be going to Petersburg, or he might be 
going up above, or he might be going down below ; assuring 
the boy that he was not going to tell him where he was going. 
The boy looked up at him and said: ''Now you are not 
going to Richmond, for old Longstreet's there; and you are 
not going to Petersburg, for old Ewell's there ; nor are you 
going up above, for old Jackson's there ; so your destination 
must be below, as that's the only place there are no rebels." 

A few days after this there was called a convention and a 



io6 The Unwritten South 

resolution passed to form a provisional government and join 
the Confederacy. But it was too late.. The State was hope- 
lessly in the net of the abolition traitors. Many of those who 
assisted the very army that was conquering their State and 
preparing for the overthrow of their property, and deluded by 
the idea that they were fighting for the Union, have lived to 
see their error. They now confess that the war was to over- 
throw the Union of Sovereign States as formed by our fathers. 
It has been abundantly proven since the war that the war was 
neither for Union nor for Liberty, but centralization of power. 
It is not generally known that in November of this same 
year President Davis sent as ambassadors to represent them in 
England and France the Hon. James Mason, of Virginia, and 
Hon. John Slidel, of Louisiana. Both had been Senators. 
They ran the blockade at a southern port on the Nashville 
and arrived safely at Havana. Here they took passage on 
the Trent for Europe, but when two days out the United States 
steam frigate. Captain Wilkes, fired a shot across her bow, 
and having learned that Mason and Slidell were on board, de- 
manded that they be given up. The captain of the Trent 
protested that Captain Wilkes had no right to invade the flag 
of another power at sea any more than on land, but this did 
not satisfy Wilkes. He seized Mason and Slidell and took 
them to Fort Warren, Boston harbor. When the Abolitionists 
heard this they went wild with joy, and at Washington a vote 
of thanks was taken, dinners held and testimonials showered 
upon Wilkes, as though he had saved the country. People 
told these maniacs that this was wrong, and that they would 
be forced to give up these men. They hooted at the idea, but 
in due time John Bull was heard from. The word came, 



Progress of the War 107 

"deliver those men up or fight." Of course, the Federal 
authorities at once backed down. Their excuse was that they 
had no time to fight England then. "One war at a time," 
said Lincoln. You see why they preferred a war with their 
own brothers to any other that could be gotten up. 

You will notice that up to the close of '61 and the begin- 
ning of '62 everything was favorable to the Confederates, but 
some events, which I have not named, gave great advantage 
to the Yankees as a basis of operations. A naval expedition 
under Stringman captured the Confederates at Hatteras Inlet, 
on the coast of North Carolina, including fifteen guns and six 
hundred and twenty-five prisoners. On the 7th of November 
Port Royal, on the same coast, was captured by Captain 
Dupont. These were a great loss to the South, as they gave 
the North excellent depots for military operations. A regi- 
ment of thieves were sent from New York, headed by Billy 
Wilson, to Florida, in the harbor of Pensacola, Santa Rosa 
Island. 

The Confederates here were few in number, but one night 
they surprised Billy and his men and sent them flying, with 
Billy at their head. The Confederates finally had to fall back 
and left several of their wounded upon the field, who fell into 
the hands of these thieves and were murdered outright. When 
their bodies were recovered they were all found to be shot 
through the head in a similar manner, besides several in dif- 
ferent parts of the body. Neither were the Confederates 
permitted to enjoy the fruits of their victories long. General 
Zollicoffer was short of provisions, so much so that his men 
had to live upon a ration of beef and half a ration of parched 
corn, as they had no meal and no means of making any. In 



io8 The Unwritten South 

this condition these men fought a desperate battle at Mill 
Spring, and were at first successful, but an accident turned 
a victory into an appalling defeat. Zollicoffer's brigade had 
pushed forward to the top of a hill, just over the brow of 
which it came upon an Indiana regiment under Colonel Fry. 
Zollicoffer mistook this regiment for a portion of his own. 
Colonel Fry's uniform being covered with a rubber overcoat, 
and rode to within a few feet of him before either party dis- 
covered the mistake. In a minute Fry raised his pistol and 
shot Zollicoffer dead. 

The half-starved Confederates after this seemed to aban- 
don hope in that section for a while. Just after these unfa- 
vorable events Grant ascended the Tennessee river with a fleet 
of gunboats and a powerful force to act in conjunction with 
the victors. Fort Henry was taken without much resistance, 
and then he threw his strength upon Fort Donelson. Here 
Grant told his men he would enter the fort before noon, but 
after two days terrible fighting, he was forced to fall back out 
of range of the Confederate guns, completely repulsed. 

But reinforcements were pouring in upon him all the time 
by the thousands, while the whole Confederate force at the 
beginning was but thirteen thousand, which was, of course, 
greatly reduced by the conflict. At the third fighting Grant 
had eighty thousand men and further resistance became use- 
less. During the following night it was resolved to surrender 
the fort. But Generals Pillow and Floyd declared they would 
not become prisoners and turned over their command to Buck- 
ner, who sent up a flag of truce. Forrest's cavalry, Floyd 
and many of his command, and Pillow, with some of his men, 
escaped through the enemy's lines and made their way toward 



Progress of the War 109 

Nashville. This surrender, of course, made necessary the 
surrender of Nashville, Tennessee, also, as the passage of 
Grant's gunboats up the river was uninterrupted. 

Nashville was evacuated in confusion. All her State 
books and records were taken to Memphis. Governor Harris 
rode through the streets shouting to the inhabitants that the 
Federals were coming. The soldiers seemed to vie with each 
other in destroying the beauty of the city. 

This was the nucleus of many of the exploits of the noted 
General Morgan. His daring acts were very amusing despite 
the seriousness of the occasions. With about forty of his men 
he entered the town of Gallatin, about twenty-six miles from 
Nashville, while it was in possession of the Federals, and 
marched directly to the telegraph office and asked the opera- 
tor what the news was. 

The operator replied that "It was said the rebel, scoun- 
drel, John Morgan, was in the neighborhood," at the same 
time flourishing a pistol, saying, 'T wish I could see him, the 
rascal." 

Morgan replied, "Well, sir, I am General Morgan and you 
are my prisoner." 

The valiant operator instantly wilted and begged that 
his life might be spared. 

Morgan told him that he should not be hurt on condition 
that he would send such dispatches over the wires as he should 
dictate, to which he willingly agreed. 

He amused himself in thus surprising prominent officials 
at different places of his possession of the offices, until the 
train arrived from Bowling Green, when he captured the 
train, taking five abolition officers prisoners. 



no The Unwritten South 

At another time he saw several Yankees ransacking a 
citizen's house, when he ordered them to give up their guns 
and march in front of him, which order they promptly obeyed. 
When they came to a turn in the road a soldier remarked, 
''General, that is the wrong road to camp ;" when Morgan 
replied, "I am General Morgan, and you are my prisoners." 
Of course, he had on his suit of Yankee uniform. 

The State Legislature of Tennessee was moved from 
Nashville to Memphis. At Madrid Bend, just above Mem- 
phis, some defences of the city were held by the Confederates. 
Beauregard had constructed them and they were of superior 
strength. With five ironclad gunboats and four mortar boats 
for fifteen days the Federals kept up the bombardment of 
these defences without any visible efifect. There were fired 
three thousand shells and over one hundred thousand rounds 
of powder, and only one Confederate killed. Just as Beaure- 
gard had proven himself more than a match for the Federals, 
with all their boats, he was called away to check a formid- 
able movement by an army of eighty thousand more under 
Grant, and forty thousand under Buell, to cut off communi- 
cation with Richmond. General Call was appointed to suc- 
ceed him, and was the cause of speedy reduction. The Fed- 
erals had cut a canal twelve miles long across the peninsula, 
which enabled the Federal gunboats to get past the Confed- 
erate works at that point. The attention of General Call was 
kept by an attack upon the opposite side, he being totally in- 
competent for the great trust. There was nothing to do now 
but desert the defense as speedily as possible. A lack of skill 
on the part of Call in spiking his guns left them in a short 
time to do service for the Federals. The defeat cost the Con- 



Progress of the War iii 

federates seventy cannon and a quantity of powder and shell, 
with two hundred prisoners taken. 

At this time the armies of Johnson and Grant were gath- 
ering for the great battle of Corinth, in Mississippi. The 
battle began at daylight, and was one of the severest battles 
of the war. At 2 o'clock on April 6th Johnson was mortally 
wounded while personally leading an assault at the head of 
his column. But the battle was already won, the dying hero 
breathing his last amid the wild shouts of his victorious men. 
Grant's forces were driven to Pittsburg Landing, where he 
was sheltered by his gunboats. All of Grant's encampments, 
with an immense amount of spoils, were in the hands of the 
Confederates. They had three thousand prisoners, with one 
commander, Prentiss, and several brigade commanders, and 
many thousand stand of arms and munitions of war. The 
Confederates declared that if they had fought Eastern instead 
of Western troops the work would have been done in one-half 
the time. General Prentiss said to the Confederates, "You 
have defeated our best troops to-day." During the night, 
however, as Grant's whole army was in imminent peril with the 
the Confederates sleeping on their arms, more recruits arrived 
to Grant's assistance than was in the Confederate army. 
Generals Buell, Nelson, Crittendon, Thomas and McCook ar- 
rived, and just in time to save Grant's army. 

On Monday at 6 o'clock the battle was renewed and for 
four or five hours the fury was intense, and even the fresh 
troops were repulsed and driven back by sheer valor and des- 
peration, and only exhaustion of man and beast against the 
fearful odds made it evident that eventually retreat was inevit- 
able. There was no hurry or confusion, but slowly and in 



112 The Unwritten South 

order, the Confederates fell back two miles and reformed lines 
and waited for several hours. The enemy did not stir. Fin- 
ally Pope was entrusted with the duty of following them up. 
General Pope telegraphed to Washington, "As yet I have 
seen nothing but the backs of the Confederates." The truth 
was that he did not venture near enough to see even their 
"backs." The Confederates had all the room and time they 
wanted. 

For fear of making my narrative too long I shall next 
tell you something of "Old Ben Butler." 

The defenses of the city of New Orleans were thought to 
be impregnable, and gave the Confederates the greatest assur- 
ance that the city had nothing to fear from the Federals, as 
a monstrous fleet had threatened the works at Forts Jackson 
and St. Phillip for a time without venturing to make demon- 
strations. But on the 17th of April, 1862, Farragut com- 
menced bombarding the forts. After one week's bombard- 
ment, at which time twenty-five thousand thirteen-inch shells 
were thrown, there was not the least damage done. But at 
half past three o'clock on April 24th Farragut's fleet steamed 
up the river and ran the gauntlet between the forts, placing 
the city at the mercy of the Federals. Commander Lowell 
and the Mayor resolved to surrender the city to save the 
women and children, who had not time to escape. This gave 
occasion to Beast Butler, who was military governor of the 
island on the first of May. 

Such a reign of insolence and terror was never before 
witnessed in any civilized country. Much is made of the 
burning of Chambersburg in this section, but this was the 
only vandalism practiced by the Confederates, while with the 



Progress of the War 113 

Yankees it was a special aim, and this was done without the 
knowledge of the authorities. 

He was named Spoony Butler by some of his men for the 
amount of silver spoons he took from the citizens. He had 
no respect for women or young girls. The rings and jewelry 
of every description were filched from all who possessed them 
with scandalous treatment and torture. In some instances 
the dead were dug up and robbed of their jewelry, if per- 
chance some were buried with rings or other ornaments. So 
vile and contemptible did he render himself to friends and 
foes that these cognomens followed him to his grave. 

You have heard of this murderous and miserly villain, I 
am sure, so I will only give an instance that may not have 
been generally known, and in which a lack of mind was promi- 
nently manifest. A young man, by name Munford, had taken 
down a United States flag, which some soldier had placed 
there, and which was wrongfully there. The taking of it 
down w^as an act of war and not a crime, and was done before 
Butler had gotten possession of the city. Butler ordered this 
young man to be hanged for this unavailing act, and he was 
hanged — a cold blooded murder. The young man said, when 
standing on Butler's gallows, 'T consider that the manner of 
my death will be no disgrace to my wife and child ; my country 
will honor them." And so it will, and so it does to-day, 
since men's passions have had time to cool, and all of the hot 
heads of the country have gone to their reward, the name of 
this man Butler stands in impartial history by the side of the 
most infamous criminals of the world. What a calamity was 
this visited upon the fair South by these outlaws. I shall not 
stop here to describe an ideal of circumstantial happenings, 



114 The Unwritten South 

but will treat the end, and the means towards the same in my 
last section. 

Now let us go back to the Shenandoah Valley and see 
what is going on. We find Shields, Jackson and Banks had 
been in that region all winter, supposing that Jackson had 
left the Valley, Banks went off to Washington. One who was 
with Jackson's army said, "I did not think that old Stone- 
wall was going to move in such terrible weather, but when it 
was known that the General's servant had packed up, I knew 
we were bound for a tramp somewhere." The servant said, 
"Whenever I misses massa a little while in de day, I allers 
knows he's prayin' a spell ; and when he's out all day I knows 
we's gwine to move next day. But when he stays and comes 
back at night to have a long spell of prayin', dar's gwine to 
be a fought somewhar mighty quick, and dis chile packs up 
de valuables and gits out of de way, like a sensible colored per- 
son." 

How much valuable service these devoted servants ren- 
dered the South would make an interesting volume. General 
Williams, of Winchester, Va., told the writer that he got 
many a good rest at home by depending upon his faithful 
negro to watch while he slept. He says old Jim has aroused 
him more than once, by yelling, "Dey's coming boss, dey's 
comin' sho !" 

A writer describing Jackson says : "He may be a fine 
old man, but I should admire him more in a state of rest than 
always seeking him in the front. And such a dry old stick — 
as for uniform, he has none, and his horse is quite in keeping, 
being a lean old thing of no spirit. Thirty miles a day is 
nothing for his men through the mud, and if they don't come 



Progress of the War 115 

up to time I'd as lief meet the devil, for he takes no excuse 
when duty calls. His movements are sudden and unaccount- 
able." 

An anecdote is told of this great commander at a battle 
of Shenandoah Valley. Being dissatisfied with the manner 
in which one of his guns was handled, he jumped from his 
horse, and giving the cannon a deadly aim with his own 
hands, he devoutly raised his eyes and uttered this prayer, 
"The Lord have mercy upon their guilty souls," and he gave 
the order to fire. 

After the innumerable blunders of Banks in the Valley, 
General Shields was sent against Jackson. On the 23d of 
March Shields marched out in great force and attacked Jack- 
son at Kernstown. The Confederate Generals at this engage- 
ment were Jackson, Garnett and Ashby. The superior forces 
of Shields defeated Jackson, but took no firearms or bag- 
gage. Shields himself was wounded in the arm by a shell. 
He nevertheless had the honor of being the only man who had 
won the distinction of defeating Jackson. 

But Shields' success as a military man did not save him 
from the persecution of the Yankees at Washington. He had 
been blind enough to suppose that the war was not to free the 
negroes, but to enforce the laws of the United States. He 
therefore did not use his army to steal negroes, or to plunder 
property or citizens. His faithful adherence to the rules of 
civilized war, and his refusal to catch the negroes caused Lin- 
coln's government to give him the alternative of resigning or 
being removed. 

Shields went to Washington with Sumner, and in the 
presence of Lincoln, Sumner began to upbraid him for not 



ii6 The Unwritten South 

allowing the negroes to come within his lines. Shields replied, 
"That the negroes came in long enough to act as spies and 
then go back to tell the Confederates all they heard." He 
also said when he accepted his command it was with the un- 
derstanding "that the object of the war was not to abolish 
slavery, but to preserve the Union." Sumner replied that "if 
the war was not to free the negroes, he would be in for stop- 
ping it to-morrow." Mr. Lincoln made no comment upon 
this remark. Observed General Shields : "You remembeSr 
only a little more than a year ago Congress declared publicly, 
in order to raise the army, that when the Union was restored 
the war ought to cease." 

This makes four generals who lost their commands be- 
cause they insisted upon conducting the war on the rules 
recognized by all Christian nations, and also because of their 
understanding that the object of the war was to preserve the 
Union, and not to free negroes. 

In this connection I shall mention the treatment Mc- 
Clellan received at the hands of the authorities at Washington. 
Lincoln deceived McClellan as to the aid to be given him to 
take Richmond. Lincoln said to McClellan that it was the 
pressure brought upon him that caused him to deceive him at 
a vital moment. What an army and how splendidly equipped 
was it as it started, embracing four hundred steamers, 121,500 
men, 14,000 animals, 44 batteries, besides the wagons, pon- 
toon trains, etc. 

The first engagement this army encountered was at York- 
town, where they met the Confederate army under Longstreet 
and others. Here the second time the leaders at Washing- 
ton frustrated McClellan's plans by detaching part of his 



Progress of the War 117 

army just as he needed it. One of McClellan's officers re- 
marked, "That the leaders did not want him to take Rich- 
mond." McClellan repHed, "Such treachery seems impossible, 
and yet it does look like it." 

It is one of the mortifying things to look back upon, that 
the Federal commander here took occasion to claim a victory 
because Longstreet was without transportation and had to 
leave his wounded behind him at Williamsburg. 

Colonel Lomax, of the Nineteenth Mississippi Regiment, 
was killed in leading a charge against Dan. Sickles' brigade, 
and his negro servant recovered the body in the Federal lines 
and carried it several miles on his back and took it on to 
Richmond to the bereaved wife, to keep a promise he had 
made, "That he would never let his master's body fall into 
the hands of the enemy." 

In almost every town in the South the negroes gave balls 
and fairs for the benefit of the Confederates, and sent thou- 
sands of dollars, clothes and blankets for "Massa and de boys." 
In Vicksburg alone the negroes raised $1,000 and gave it all 
for the Confederate cause. 

Although the Northern newspapers tried to keep up a 
good face "on the fight at Yorktown and Williamsburg, the 
people saw something was wrong in the field. The authorities 
at Washington, from now on, were trembling at the result 
of Jackson's work for a short while, and were dreading 
the probability of the Confederate army entering Washington, 
after soundly thrashing Fremont at different points and burn- 
ing the bridges behind him, so effectually outwitting them that 
the Yankees at Washington began to shake when Jackson's 



ii8 The Unwritten South 

name was mentioned. But this ended Jackson's briUiant cam- 
paign in the valley. 

On the 31st of May was fought the great battles of 'The 
Seven Pines" and "Gaines' Mills." The Confederates were 
again successful, and but for a difficulty in Huger crossing 
the river as prearranged, the Federal army would have almost 
been demolished. One of Longstreet's aids was heard to say 
after the battle, 'Tt beats everything to think that Huger's 
slowness has spoiled everything." Said he, 'T saw Jeff Davis, 
Longstreet, Whiting and all of them a little while ago look- 
ing as blue as thunder. As it has turned out we have only 
gained a victory." 

Jefferson Davis issued a short congratulatory address to 
the army which had so gallantly won this victory, closing 
with these words : **You are fighting for all that is dearest 
to man, and though opposed to a foe who disregards many of 
the usages of civilized warfare, your humanity to the wounded 
and prisoners was the fit and crowning glory to your valor. 
Defenders of a just cause, may God have you in his keeping." 

On the I2th of June, just twelve days after this battle, 
which was followed by the retreat of McClellan's army, Ben. 
Butler issued the following impudent and deceptive bulletin 
in New Orleans: ''On June 21st Richmond was evacuated 
and General McClellan took possession of the city! General 
Banks has driven Jackson headlong to the foot of General 
McDowell, who before this has probably kicked him over the 
border. So ends the drama ! It is enough." During the 
whole progress of the war thus were the people insulted by 
certain of the Northern journals, and generals. After this 
there was a pause for some time in the war ; Lee making pro- 



Progress of the War 119 

digioiis preparations to strike the enemy before Richmond and 
Jackson coming from the valley to assist him. This move- 
ment excited the authorities again lest Jackson should be after 
going into Washington. 

On the 26th of June began the battle in front of Rich- 
mond by Hill and Longstreet. All day the battle surged to 
and fro, and thousands of brave fellows fell on both sides, 
until dusk, when the Confederates sought the cover of a woods 
being so exhausted, and McClellan's men, mistaking silence 
for defeat, moved a heavy mass of infantry to attack them ; 
cheer after cheer went up as they advanced. The Confeder- 
ates crouched closely to the ground, and when the Federals 
were within a hundred yards of them, they fired a deadly vol- 
ley in their closed ranks, then rising with a yell, dashed 
through the smoke and fell upon them with bayonet, pistol 
and bowie knife. The Federals fled in confusion. At this 
time General Hood, of Texas, came in for a final charge, and 
about the same time Jackson's artillery broke upon the re- 
treating columns of McClellan's lines, while McClellan per- 
haps was dreaming that Jackson was in the valley. 

Thus ended the battle of Gaines' Mills. The Confed- 
erates lay fast asleep the next morning where they were left by 
their vanquished foes ; the field was a rich booty — brass can- 
non and bronze field pieces, with horses and caissons and can- 
noniers exactly as they had been left, thousands of prisoners 
and small arms, banners, drums, etc. Many a poor dead 
Federal served for a pillow for the exhausted Confederates 
that night. Many fine horses were found hitched to the guns 
with their throats cut to prevent their falling into the hands 
of the Confederates. But, while Lee had gained a great vie- 



I20 The Unwritten South 

tory, it was at the cost of some of his best officers. General 
Wheat was killed while making a charge at the head of a 
Louisiana battalion. His dying words were, "The field is 
ours boys, bury me upon the battlefield." Let it be said here, 
as confirmed by many Confederates, that the Federals were 
never known to withstand a saber charge. 

Alas ! alas ! how many brave men, on both sides, lay 
down their lives in a war brought on by a few fanatical 
wretches. A war as unnatural as it was terrible. 

McClellan's army was in imminent danger of being gob- 
bled up by Lee's forces as he hastened to the banks of the 
James River to the protection of his gunboats ; these friendly 
supports which had so often saved Grant's army in the West. 
General Hood said, "If Grant or Sherman, or any other officer 
but McClellan had conducted that retreat, the whole army 
would have been annihilated." 

On the 29th of June Lee overtook a portion of McClel- 
lan's army at Savage Station, on the York River Railroad, 
where the Federals had entrenched themselves to check Lee's 
army and give the advance retreat a chance. After three or 
four hours the Federals were driven from the entrenchments, 
and made a double quick retreat to overtake the main army. 

On June 3 the Confederates were again surprised to over- 
take another check at Frazer's farm, by a portion of the army 
covered by sage pines completely. At the first fire, batteries 
of sixteen guns opened upon the advancing columns of Hill, 
besides several lines of battle, giving a murderous fire. Imme- 
diately the Confederates rushed forward, into the jaws of 
death. Swinton says of this conflict: "Finally Randall's bat- 
tery was captured by a fierce charge made by two Confed- 



Progress of the War 121 

erate regiments advancing in wedge shape, without order, but 
with trailed arms. Rushing up to the muzzles of the guns, 
they pistoled or bayonetted the cannoneers." 

An English officer has the following story to tell : 

"After returning from viewing as much of the battlefield 
as possible, in the darkness, I observed a light in Frazer's 
house, from which smoke was coming; feeling cold, I entered. 
Before the fire sat a middle-aged negro, wrapped up in a 
blanket and shivering. 'What's amiss, uncle,' as I took a coal 
to light my pipe. 

" 'De Lord bless you massa ! de chills, de chills !' 

"'Were you here during the fight?' 1 asked, taking a 
stool. 

"'No sah! dis chile was in de woods! de bes' place fer 
when dem ar bullets com a whisin an singin roun yer head!' 

"'Waslscart? I guess I was. It was wus ner half-dozen 
scars at one time.' 

" 'It wuz this way. When old massa hert the Lincom- 
bites was comin' round dese diggins, Pete ! says he, I'se gwine 
to Richmond, and I wants you ter see to things, an' mind de 
Lincombites don't run ofif wid anything; dey won't heart 
you, says he, but if de only catches me, I'm a gone chicken.' 

" 'Well, massa, one ebenin,' while I was eaten supper, 
up comes a whole lot of Lincombites, and says dey, 'Whar's 
de master, nigger ?" In Richmond says I, an' went on eaten ; 
but a big feller says to me : 

" *Hi, nigger, yer wanted out here,' and I went out. 

" 'Who's dem turkeys 'long to ? says anoder.' 

" 'If yo' don't bring me some milk I'll bust yo' head, says 
one in de crowd.' 



122 The Unwritten South 

" Tull dat bed out here, says anoder.' 

'' 'Tech him up wid de baynet, says anuder,' and case I 
cudn't 'gin to speak to 'em all somebody kicks me on de shin 
and I runs in de house. One of de men wid traps on his sholdes 
comes an' makes 'em kind o' quiet, but I find out dey had stolen 
my supper, an' de bed, an' de chairs, an' dey din't even leave me 
my ol' pipe. If dis is de Union foks, tinks I, dey won't suit 
dis darkey, sure ! So after dey stole all de chickens, and de tur- 
keys, and de cabbage, and de taters, I thought it was 'bout 
time for dis chile to leave. So I packs up two or free things 
in a handkerchief an' puts out.' 

" 'Halt dar !' says a big feller wid a gun, 'Where's yo 
gwine, darkie?' says he. 

" T'se gw^ine to Richmond,' says I, 'to massa to get some- 
thing to eat.' 

" 'O, yu thick-headed nigger, says he, dosn't yu kno' 
we's de great 'liberation army of de Norf an' come to sot all 
de niggers free?' 

" Tse a free col'd pussen, anyhow, says I, and kin go 
anywhar I'se a mind to,' an' was gwine to pass him, when two 
sodgers seized me by de scruff of de neck and hauls me up be- 
fore de kurnel. 

" 'Where did you kotch de contraband ?' says he, smokin' 
a cigar, big like, and frowing out his legs. 

" Tse a free man, sah/ says I. 

" 'Hoi' yo tongue,' says he, gittin' kin' o' red ; if dese 
people dosn't kno' de blessin' of liberty, dey mus' be taught, 
dat's all. 

" 'Take him off to de guard house, sargent,' says he, 



Progress of the War 123 

and 'kase I said I'se free de sargeant begins to kick de cloth 
out of my pants. 

" 'And dare dey had me, massa, more an' a week, feedin' 
me an' lots of other darkies on black beans and pork, massa's 
hogs won't eat. But when I hears de firin' goin' on, now's 
de time for dis chile, says I, and gits out of de way right 
smart for an ole darkey. First, I gits to de right, but de bul- 
lets fly so mighty thick I runs off somewhar else ; den one of 
dem big screechin' things comes 'long and I begins to say my 
prayers mighty fast; den, while I lay behind a tree, our folks 
comes up makin' a big noise, I lay very close to de groun'. 
But I got mighty scart an' runs clare into de swamp, and dar 
I stay until jus' now, when I crawls home agin shivern in 
every jint.' 

" 'Don't talk to me, massa, 'bout de Norf. I knows 
how it is; dey only wants to work de life out of de colored 
folks, an' den dey gives 'em deir free papers to let 'em starve. 
Dey can't fool dis chile — he knows more nor he wants to 
know 'bout de great Norvern 'liberation army.' 

" 'De darkeys better stay wid de old massa, and lib as 
he libs, and hab doctors to look arter 'em and hab dimes to 
spend. Dem Yanks is big fools, and dey think they's good as 
us, but dey ain't half as good as some darkeys, if dey is white 
and talk big.' " 

This was a fine sample of the opinions of the negro re- 
garding the Northern men. It was hard and slow work to 
destroy their confidence in their masters. 

It has cost nearly a million lives and nearly five millions 
of dollars to force upon the negro what they never asked for 



124 The Unwritten South 

nor wanted, or can ever learn to use with benefit to them- 
selves or the white people. 

The last stand which McClellan's army took before reach- 
ing the gunboats was at Malvern Hill, where a hundred can- 
non of the heaviest caliber were entrenched. McGruder's 
men rushed right into the mouths of these formidable guns 
again and again, and each time they were slaughtered. One 
of the Federals said since, that he never saw such desperation 
as the Confederates evinced at the time. Said he, we were 
prepared to mow them like winrows, but on they came to cer- 
tain death, until darkness stopped the dreadful massacre. 
Again, during the night, McClellan withdrew and stopped 
only in the security of his gunboats. 

Never was such heroism displayed as was the case with 
these determined men of the South. What made them fight 
so hard ? Ah ! not a cowardly spirit of treason, but thorough 
conviction of right and justice. 

Mr. Lincoln now issued a proclamation for 300,000 more 
troops. The North was generally discouraged and began to 
doubt their ability of subjugating the South. A fresh hope 
dawned when they gave Pope command of the fragments of 
Banks, Fremont, and McDowell's armies, which Jackson had 
almost destroyed, and sent him with the order to plunder and 
destroy everything belonging to the citizens of the South. 

After July 25, '62, an order was issued commanding the 
arrest of all citizens of the Confederate States and make them 
take the oath of Allegiance to Lincoln, to give security for keep- 
ing it or be banished from their homes ; and if they returned 
to be shot as spies. McClellan at once issued a contrary order 
to his men for the sake of decency and civilization. Hence, 



Progress of the War 125 

from this date the war was one against population and prop- 
erty, and not armed forces. McClellan's command lasted but 
a short time after this severe reprimand to Lincoln. 

I fear to make any assertions along this line without giv- 
ing my authority, for some of them are almost incredible. 
Halleck said, "We will soon crush the rebellion and then 
place our heels upon the sneaking traitors of the North." 
He meant such as would not consent to violate the constitu- 
tion they loved. Governor Stone, of Iowa, said, "I had rather 
sleep, eat, drink and live with a negro than a Democrat." 

The newspapers of the North were full of demands upon 
Lincoln to set the negroes free, and not until this was done 
would the war be a success, but Lincoln and Seward w^ould 
not risk so decided a move as yet, for he needed to deceive 
more people to keep up the army, notwithstanding the heavy 
bounties already being offered. 

Now we have come on to the second battle of Manassas, 
at which time the Southern army was getting short of pro- 
visions, and Jackson was sent to draw on Banks — known as 
Jackson's commissary. Jackson, with 8,000, struck Banks with 
15,000, and captured 5,000, killed 2,000 men, and wagon 
loads of ammunition and arms. 

Pope, who had boasted that his headquarters should be 
in the saddle, and that they would now do a big business in 
Rebel skins, was entrapped, and Stuart swept around his 
camp and burned it, after taking many prisoners. So pressed 
was Pope that all of his private papers fell into the hands of 
Stuart, as well as his pants and coat. 

The marching and fighting soldiers, sometimes from sheer 
hunger, would inquire for rations, when Jackson would say, 



126 The Unwritten South 

"Never mind, the enemy is not far ahead and they have 
plenty." One of Jackson's venturesome exploits was to march 
with 20,000 men literally between Halleck's and Pope's 
armies, each of which was double his own in numbers, on to 
Bristow station. The Confederates appeared so suddenly that 
Pope's army left without even a skirmish. Manassas fell into 
the hands of Jackson with all of its stores of every descrip- 
tion. He thus came into possession of nine cannon, seven 
trains of store goods, ten locomotives, 50,000 pounds bacon, 
100 barrels beef, 200 barrels flour, 5,000 pounds pork, hay, 
oats, corn and ammunition. The telegraph line was in order, 
and the rejoicing Confederates telegraphed to Alexandria call- 
ing for an immediate supply of artillery, wagon harness, and 
all such things as they needed. 

The Federal commandant having no suspicions of Jack- 
son being near, sent the order forward at once, all of which 
fell into the hands of the Confederates. In the meantime, 
Lee was hurrying to meet Jackson at Bull Run. Pope bom- 
bastically said, as he gathered all of his army, ''That he would 
bag Jackson this time." 

Jackson was preparing for the fierce conflict which he 
knew was coming, and the odds he had to meet. On the 
27th of August Pope's advance came upon Jackson unawares 
and was driven back. That night Jackson moved to the old 
battle ground of the first Bull Run, which gave him a good 
chance. 

There was a good deal of fighting on the 29th, but the 
decisive battle did not occur until Saturday, the 30th. Lee's 
whole army had arrived and was in position for a terrible 
battle. A Northern correspondent speaking of the way the 



Progress of the War 127 

rebels fought, said : ''They came on like demons emerging 
from the earth." Pope's army was completely routed and 
never stopped until it was within a safe distance of the de- 
fences of Washington, He lost in killed and wounded 32,000 
men, and 9,000 prisoners. Poor Pope fell to rise no more. 

It was a bitter pill for the administration to put McClel- 
lan in command again of the Army of the Potomac. But the 
cry "Washington is in danger" and the army demanded Mc- 
Clellan. 

On the 4th of September, Lee crossed the Potomac and 
put the Federals on the defensive. With Generals Jackson, 
Longstreet and Hill, Lee supplied his commissaries at Harper's 
Ferry. Longstreet held the mountain pass, against McClel- 
lan's forces, to prevent him from reinforcing Harper's Ferry, 
which Jackson captured the next day after South Mountain 
battle. 12,000 prisoners were taken here, seventy-three pieces 
of artillery and two hundred wagons. Lee seeing that Mc- 
Clellan was massing his whole army of nearly 100,000, united 
his at Sharpsburg with 45,000, and on September 17th the 
great battle of Antietam was fought. 

Swinton, the Federal historian, admits that the battle 
was won by the Confederates, for during the night McClellan 
disappeared from the front and left the dead upon the field. 
The Federals stopped six or seven miles north of where the 
battle began, and all day of the i8th neither renewed the at- 
tack. The Northern papers as well as their histories claimed 
the battle, which was a great mistake. The writer was within 
easy sound of the battle, and saw McClellan's army north 
of the Bakersville road, as he drove over the field of battle 
two days afterwards. 



128 The Unwritten South 

It is not general}' known that an ammunition train of the 
Confederates was attacked at or near Hagerstown and de- 
stroyed, but for which the battle of Antietam would have been 
renewed by Lee on the i8th. During the night of the 17th 
reinforcements crossed the river at Shepherdstown, three miles 
from Sharpsburg, and but for the lack of ammunition, would 
have been fresh troops in the field on the iSth. On the night 
of the 1 8th Lee crossed the river into Virginia at Shepherds- 
town. What wonderful sagacity must have been employed 
by the Confederates, that with one-half numbers, and short- 
age of ammunition, as to be ordered again and again to hold 
their fire, they should have been successful. 

While the authorities at Washington claimed the battle 
at Antietam, a consistent explanation was not given why Mc- 
Clellan formally and decidedly lost his command. It was not 
one of Jackson's victories, for he would have had them all in 
the river. The Federal's loss was 12,000 and that of the Con- 
federates 8,000. On the 20th McClellan attempted to cross 
into Virginia, but was driven back by A. P. Hill. This ended 
all attempts to follow into Virginia. Lee took back with him 
all the stores gathered in Maryland, and the spoils of Harper's 
Ferry. Of course these stores were paid for in Confederate 
money, excepting those captured in battle. At the time of 
Antietam battle the Confederate soldiers were without rations 
for five days. Green apples and roasting ears were almost their 
only food. 

The abolition leaders had for their excuse in removing 
McClellan that he allowed Lee to do so much damage in 
Maryland and then cross again into Virginia safely. 

On the 22nd of February Lincoln issued his preliminary 



Progress of the War 129 

proclamation of emancipation. He announced that if the 
Rebels did not submit by January ist, 1863, he would issue 
an edict freeing- all the slaves, and would pledge the govern- 
ment to maintain that freedom. Of course he had no right to 
issue such a decree any more than to declare himself Presi- 
dent for life. You remember he had solemnly declared that 
the war was to preserve the rights of the States. Thousands 
of soldiers had enlisted under this solemn provision, and had 
McClellan resigned his position when such an infamous an- 
nouncement was made, it would have ended the war. 

The war was all the time progressing in the West, and 
the Democrats and better people of Missouri and Kentucky 
almost went wild when they found eventually they would no 
longer have the defence of the Confederate army. The most 
horrible cruelties were imposed upon the people. An officer 
by the name of McNeil has made himself immortal by his 
atrocities. One incident will serve to illustrate. A so-called 
Union man by the name of Allsman was missing. McNeil 
issued an order that unless Allsman was found in ten days he 
would shoot ten Confederate prisoners. Ten days elapsed 
and Allsman was not found. In vain the citizens and their 
wives and children plead and protested that they had not 
harmed him and knew nothing of him. But McNeil shot in 
cold blood ten innocent citizens of Missouri to slack his can- 
nibal appetite. Afterward Allsman turned up alive and well. 
McNeil lived to prosecute the clergymen who would not take 
a certain illegal and ridiculous oath, dragging them from, the 
pulpit and sending them to prison. 

Nor were all the cruelties practiced in the West. The 
writer remembers most vividly yet, when a little babe was 



130 The Unwritten South 

taken by the feet from a cradle in Virginia and dashed against 
a tree, knocking out its brains because it was called Lee. 
When these scenes are rehearsed, after forty years, are they 
not considered the darkest events that have disgraced the his- 
tory of mankind. More cruel and evil were the agencies em- 
ployed in this strife than those under Alexander and Napo- 
leon. 

"Burnside's on to Richmond," is the next failure to re- 
late of the Federal army. All at once the abolitionists found 
out that Burnside was just the man they were looking for. 
Doubtless, Burnside's crossing the famous bridge at Antietam, 
gave him popularity with the leaders, but there was no more 
truth in his ability as a general than in the fact of his cross- 
ing the bridge; for at his first attempt to cross the bridge 
all of his own men were killed but two, and at the second 
attempt all were killed but one, when an old farmer told him 
to go 50 yards below and wade. He persuaded the authorities 
to let him have his way about changing the base of the army 
and thus trap Lee, as he said. But the whole movement of 
Burnside was as well known to Lee as to himself. Lee effect- 
ually deceived Burnside, whilst he was busy trying to deceive 
Lee. 

On the night of the loth of December Burnside began 
throwing his pontoon bridges across the river at Fredericks- 
burg, and all was visible to Lee posted on the bluffs overlook- 
ing the town. Lee designedly made but little resistance to 
the army to impress that weak man that only a small part of 
his army had been left to hold the town. 

On the i2th Burnside occupied Fredericksburg, and the 
news was flashed to Washington that Burnisde had gained a 



Progress of the War 131 

great victory. Sums of money were bet that Burnside would 
be in Richmond in ten days. On the 13th of December Burn- 
side attempted to make short work of what was left of Lee's 
army before him. He little knew that Lee's whole army was 
anxiously awaiting him, though it only comprised 80,000 men 
as against 150,000 in Burnside's army. 

Lee was personally on the field all 'day of the great bat- 
tle, which followed ; but Burnside remained two miles away 
on the other side of the river, with glass in hand, on top of 
the 'Thillips House." Lee had arranged to let his left flank 
fall slowly back to draw Burnside to where he wanted him, 
and opened fire all along the line. The slaughter was awful. 
Whichever way the invaders turned they met sure death. 
Had his army been 300,000 the results of the day would have 
been the same. General Hancock led 5,000 men into the 
fight that morning and at night had lost 2,013 of them, of 
whom 156 were commissioned officers. Burnside's loss was 
12,000 and over. 

An English officer on the Confederate side said, *'Our loss 
was 2,000." He further said that ''Lee's position was unas- 
sailable." It was not only a scientific battle, but a whole- 
sale slaughter pen. At night Burnside re-crossed the river 
after two days, having lain quietly in the valley without an at- 
tempt to renew the battle. 

To save his men as much as possible, always a consider- 
ation with Lee, he did not follow up his advantages; prob- 
ably thinking that Burnside would attack again. Burnside's 
army was so demoralized, that had Lee made an attack the 
next morning, he likely would have almost '. annihilated his 
army. 



132 The Unwritten South 

Again, in the town, the most terrible vandalism prevailed 
for the short time Burnside was there. Even the churches 
were wantonly defaced. Arson, robbery, torture of women 
and children, horrible to relate, occurred. The New York 
Tribune gave, with rejoicing, the following account of the 
horrors : "The old mansion of Douglas Gordon, perhaps the 
wealthiest citizen in the vicinity, is now used as the head- 
quarters of General Howard, but before he occupied it, all 
the elegant furniture and works of art had been broken up 
by the soldiers. 

"When I entered it in the morning, before its occupation 
by General Howard, I found the soldiers of his first division 
decorating themselves with the rich dresses found in the 
ladies' wardrobe. Some had on bonnets, of the fashion of 
last year, and were surveying themselves before the mirror, 
which was aftervvards pitched out of the window. Others 
had scarfs around their necks, and shawls around their waists." 

The Tribune did not comment upon the stealing of jew- 
elry, plate-ware, etc. 

For about a month after this Burnside floundered about 
in the mud along the Rappahannock river, when he became 
satisfied that many of his officers held him in contempt ; so he, 
with one bold stroke, dismissed from service, Hooker, Brooks, 
Newton and Cochran ; and removed from command of the 
Army of the Potomac, Franklin, Sterling, Ferrow and 
Taylor. 

Upon this he went to Washington and demanded the 
President's approval of this, or accept his own resignation. 
So the President accepted the resignation of Burnside, and 
appointed Hooker to his place, 



Progress of the War 133 

Let us now, for a short while, examine Lincohi's doings 
in the North, outside of military affairs. It has always been 
held as the right of every citizen to oppose the policy of an 
administration when one thought it wrong. Mr. Lincoln 
would not allow this, and accused everybody of opposing the 
Government who protested against his un-constitutional acts. 
His first assault was upon the press. In July, 1861, he or- 
dered all the leading Democratic papers be denied circulation 
through the mails. Later it was followed by an attack upon 
the Democratic press over the North. Mobs were raised to 
destroy printing offices, and in some cases, editors were killed, 
others injured. 

A mob attacked the office of The Democrat at Catskill, 
N. Y., where the editor concealed himself, and as the mob 
began pelting the windows with stones he took deliberate aim 
and sent a charge of shot into the hips of one of the leading 
mobites. This gave them occasion to leave very suddenly. 

Three hundred and fifty arrests were made by Seward 
alone up to December, 1861, only seven months, besides many 
whose names could not be ascertained. Some one estimating 
the wdiole number of arrests made during the war, without 
knowing the cause, was about 3,000. Many females were in- 
cluded who became victims of some one's spite or grudge. 
All sorts of means were used to intimidate people. In New 
York city were seen copies of the following circular used to 
frighten ladies into submission who attempted to talk of the 
war: 

Headquarters of the Union Vigilance Committee, 

New York, April, 1861. 

Madam : As a person favoring traitors to the Union you 



134 The Unwritten South 

are notified that your name is on record on the secret hst of 
this association, your movements are being strictly watched, 
and unless you openly declare your adherence to the Union, 
you will be dealt with as a traitor. By order of 

Secretary. 

The New York Tribune declared that ''the system of de- 
tective police was bearing the happiest fruits." 

Mr. Lincoln was a supporter and a reader of the "Boston 
Liberator," a paper flaunting the motto that 'The Constitu- 
tion is a league with death and a Covenant with Hell." 

I shall only have time to narrate a few of the outrages of 
like character in the different sections : 

At Alexandria, Va., on February 9th, 1862, Rev. Stuart 
was in the pulpit preaching, when an officer with a file of 
soldiers seized him and dragged him through the street, 
snatching the prayer-book from his hand. The cause for this 
was that he did not pray for the President. 

Rev. J. D. Benedict, in New York State, was sent to Old 
Capital Prison, Washington, for preaching from the text, 
"Blessed are the Peacemakers" ; while schools of boys were 
demanded to take the oath of allegiance, or be imprisoned. 

In Kentucky two brothers refused to take the oath and 
were kept in prison for two years. Judges of courts were also 
arrested and imprisoned. Fort Lafayette was full of promi- 
nent editors of Democratic journals. David C. Walters, of 
Michigan, was arrested and sent to this place for the trivial 
cause of his children raising upon a pole an old shirt through 
which blackberries had been strained. 

Dr. L. M. Boss, of Illinois, was sent to prison because he 



Progress of the War 135 

was seen to draw his finger under his nose. It was reported 
to Seward that this was a sign of a secret organization. 

In 1 86 1 the members of the Legislature of Maryland and 
some of the Police Commissioners were sent to Fort Mc- 
Henry. 

So great had these outrages become that the fall elections 
were carried by the Democrats. Seymour was elected Gov- 
ernor of New York, and was pledged to restore the press at all 
hazards. When Lincoln and Seward heard this they were 
cowed, and in January issued an order to allow all papers to 
circulate in the mails. 

After this, they were not so bold about arrest, and allowed 
the War Department to make a sort of sham tribunal. The ob- 
ject of all this on the part of the President is very obvious, viz. : 
to serve the purpose of intimidation to the support of the 
administration. 

But to further give some connecting links of the occur- 
rences of the battles will come next to the battle of Murfres- 
boro, which resulted in favor of the Confederates. In fact, 
most of the advantages were in favor of the South up to this 
time, with some alternatives of success through the West and 
South. 

The North was very much discouraged. For a long time 
the siege of Vicksburg had been going on without any visible 
effect. Among the other things the North had expected before 
this, was a general uprising of the negroes against their 
masters. The negroes showed a decided leaning the other 
way until they were offered a farm and mules after the war. 

I cannot refrain from giving an account of an old darkey 
cook who insisted upon following his master to the field- 



136 The Unwritten South 

This negro's name was Pompey and was a preacher among 
the darkeys. One day he was met by another darkey, who 
asked, "Whar's yo' gwin. Uncle Pomp? You ain't gwin up 
dar to hab' all de hare singed off yer head, is yo' ?" 

Uncle Pomp shouldered his gun, as he said: ''De Lord 
hab mercy on us all, boys, here dey comes again ! Take 
care, massa, an' hole your rifle square, as I showed yo' in de 
swamp. Dar it is, dem Yanks can't shoot worth a bad five 
cent piece. Now's de time boys," and as the Alabamians re- 
turned a withering fire, Uncle Pomp was heard to shout, 
"Pitch in white folks. Uncle Pomp's behind yu'. Send all 
the Yanks to de ternal flames. Sail in Alabam, stick 'em 
wid de baynet an' send de onery cusses to de state of brim- 
stone. Push 'em hard, boys, an' when dey's gone may de 
Lor' hab mercy on 'em. Don't spar' none of 'um for de 
Lor' never made such as dem, no how. Dats yo' ! Now yo's 
got 'em. Give 'em goss — show 'em a taste of ol' Alabama." 

A man who was wounded and sat behind a tree, hearing 
this jumble of oaths, prayers and snatches of scripture as 
Uncle Pomp loaded and fired so rapidly and was so excited 
and full of rage, could not help bursting out in a roar of 
laughter notwithstanding his pain. Such evidence was not 
encouraging to those who expected the contrary of the 
negroes. 

An old negro appreciated a boss and despised one who 
would place himself upon an equality with him. One upon 
whom you can depend to-day for honesty and honor will ad- 
mire you more for snapping your finger at him and calling 
sharply to him, than for asking him if he will please do so 
and so. To the former he will take off his hat and respond 



Progress of the War 137 

promptly, whilst to the latter he will make some excuse to 
dodge him. 

The negro has no use for the Yankee ideas of pawing 
the ground and ranting like a mad bull to get the last cent 
possible, and holding on to it like grim death. I only knew 
one negro whose ambition led him to scorn a good time and 
fail to make the most out of everything pleasurable and 
ludicrous. This one belonged to the Davises and bought 
himself free, paying one dollar for his freedom, and bought 
his wife, and then bought a farm and paid for it. He was 
crippled up with rheumatism and neuralgia long before he 
died. The negroes generally thought him a fool to work so 
hard for money, and gave him no credit for keeping it. To 
hunt 'coons, dance and tell tales of their own is the height 
of their ambition in their sphere of usefulness and geniality. 
To deprive them of these is to spoil their morals. 

One must go South to ascertain what intimacy (in a 
certain sense so) existed between a slave holder and his slaves. 
]\Iany an overseer has been beaten and driven from the plan- 
tation by the planters, who never talked unkindly to their 
slaves. 

There are plenty of old negroes living still, who will tell 
you that Old Boss would be the surest man to put a load of 
buckshot into the one who laid hands upon one of his slaves. 
The old pathetic songs of the Southern negroes are not ficti- 
tious. The old tales, such as those of Uncle Remus, are not 
fabulous, as the Northerner is still taught to believe. 

The Southern people are scoffed at for the supposed in- 
consistency of respecting a faithful negro more than an un- 
worthy and self-abased white man. A little reflection and 



138 The Unwritten South 

fairness, however, will evince the plausibility upon the 
ground principle that "To whom much is given much is 
required, and to whom little, the opposite." The one may 
have ten talents, the other one. 

O that the South had a literature ! That the people were 
more for divulging to humanity the secrets of the delicacy of 
their society. Such affection and sympathy are known to no 
other people under the sun. They simply squander all such 
qualities as their hospitality and their affections, as well as 
their means. 

Do not, dear reader, count this a hasty and doubtful senti- 
mentalism until you have made the test personally. You 
have heard it said of a generous man that he would give his 
last cent to relieve distress, and perchance such an one may 
be found in the grinding mill of the North, but this is the 
rule in the South, and not the exception. 

But were I to write volumes I could never tell one-half, 
and can only hint at realities. So, go South before you die ; 
go with an open heart and a smiling face, and see what you 
are capable of enjoying in this home of men's temporal lives 
when unfettered by greed and competition, and all the horrors 
of selfishness. 

We next come to Hooker's campaign in the regular 
course of events. Hooker spent three months in reorganiz- 
ing the demoralized army which Burnside had forsaken. He 
finally pronounced it the finest army on the planet. Against 
this Lee had but 50,000, and many a man was mobbed for 
entertaining a doubt of his success in taking Richmond. His 
superior equipment and numbers gave him almost ten to one 
against Lee, *. 



Progress of the War 139 

At Chancellorsville he concentrated his army. Hooker 
now said, "The enemy must either fly or come out from their 
defenses and meet us on our own ground, where certain de- 
struction awaits him." They may as well pack their haver- 
sacks and make for Richmond. 

On Friday evening Hooker formed his line of battle on 
ground of his own choosing and awaited an attack from Lee on 
the morning of May 2. Lee, with Jackson, fell upon him 
with such force as to drive him almost to the Rappahannock 
again. Swinton, the historian, said: "The plain around 
Chancellorsville presented a spectacle like a simoom sweeping 
over the desert." With drawn sabres the staff opposed the 
flying fugitives, but in vain. 

The Confederates had won a great battle, but at the cost 
of many battles, in the loss of Jackson. The messenger, tell- 
ing Lee of Jackson's mishap, said it was the General's intent 
to press the enemy next day, Sunday. General Lee replied, 
with emotion, "These people shall be pressed to-day." What 
a shock it must have been to this tender-hearted man to see 
so rare a man, so devoted to the cause, lay down his sword 
forever. 'Tis said of Lee that he stopped amid the roar of 
cannon to replace a sparrow's nest which was shaken from its 
place by the jar of the thundering artillery. 

Stuart took Jackson's place at daylight, opening the at- 
tack with the battle cry, "Charge and remember Jackson." 
The enemy, whom Hooker was sure to bag, had whipped 
him unmercifully. Hooker lost 17,000. He finally brought 
up, just where all before him did, in the person of McDowell, 
Pope and Burnside, in the defences of Washington. His com- 
mand was next given to Meade. 



140 The Unwritten South 

All was quiet now until the first week in June, when Lee 
began to move forward and finally crossed the Potomac into 
Maryland. When Lee marched straight through Maryland 
into Pennsylvania a panic seized the surrounding country. 
People ran away from Pittsburg, Harrisburg and Philadel- 
phia, and many valuables vv^ere sent to New York. Five 
thousand men were put to work at Pittsburg to build fortifi- 
cations. Lee finally concentrated his forces at Gettysburg, 
where occurred on the ist of July, 1863, one of the most im- 
portant battles of the war. If Lee had been content to lie 
still, as did the Federals, he would not have gone through the 
heavy fighting which occurred. 

Qn the first day's fight General Reynolds, of the abolition 
army, was killed, and the Confederates took 600 prisoners and 
10 pieces of artillery. The next day was quiet until four 
o'clock, when Lee said the enemy was entrenched on Ceme- 
tery Hill, and there he was going to attack him. Bvit the 
favorable position and enormous numbers were more than he 
could dispatch with what ammiunition he had along, and 
hence, when reinforcements came to the Federals just as 
things were favorable again for the Confederates, and after 
one of the grandest charges against this strongly fortified posi- 
tion, Lee's army gradually fell back, though without haste 
or confusion, leaving the Federals too much shattered to fol- 
low, and it was considered a drawn battle. Lee had expected 
to capture his ammunition from the Federals, but being un- 
successful, he was unable to continue the fight. 

Lee safely took with him droves of horses, cattle and 
mules captured in Pennsylvania. When he reached the Poto- 
mac the river was swollen on account of recent rains, and 



Progress of the War 141 

for three days encamped near FaUing Waters and WilHams- 
port, where he threw up entrenchments in case the Yankees 
should attempt to attack him. The writer of this knows 
whereof he speaks when he says that Lee had not two rounds 
of ammunition at this time and with the river in front he was 
ahiiost helpless. Just as the last of the army was crossing 
the river on pontoons the Federal army came rushing up to 
attack him. 

We had our amusing seasons amid all the adverse vicissi- 
tudes of those harrowing days. After the skirmish an hire- 
ling and the writer went out and picked up some guns and 
pistols, and were going home, when we discovered in a thicket 
a good looking horse, which we thought we might hide away 
at home for a while and use. At first we thought the horse 
was wounded or very lame, or something of the kind to be 
left behind, but as you will see, he was an obstreperous fellow. 

I got up to him, and grabbing his mane, was swung clear 
off the ground, three times around, before his nose could be 
reached and his wind shut off. Then it became my job to 
ride him home without bridle or saddle — I tell you the dis- 
tance was covered in a short time — when again the trouble 
arose to get him checked, which was only done by crawling 
out on his neck, seizing his nose and jerking him into a fence 
corner. 

We turned him into a pasture field running close by a 
neighbor's house, in which there was a woods, hoping to hide 
him there in some way until the soldiers were all out of the 
neighborhood. The amusing part of this narration is, that 
the day following we were surprised to see our horse being 
led by some soldiers to our very door, who smilingly said they 



142 The Unwritten South 

had gotten a good horse from this man just below us. Such 
Httle disappointments were so common then that Moss and I 
only smiled, and we were right glad when they went on. 

Have you ever experienced a sense of utter incompetency 
upon any vital occasion? If so, you may have some appreci- 
ation of my feelings, as a boy, when once upon a time, I con- 
fess to have been completely unnerved. Being the only one 
at home, of the men side of the family, there came suddenly 
riding into the lane two drunken cavalrymen of the blue coats, 
when I was sent to meet them by my older sisters and the 
colored woman, whereupon they dismounted, and rushing 
into the yard, drew their sabres and demanded a drink of 
water, right quick, or they would try their hands on me. I 
was but an instant in getting a bucket full of water and a 
glass, and hoped that they would be oft", but instead, they 
came on in and demanded dinner. 

Old Harriet was not long in giving them the best at hand. 
Among other things, I remember, she put before them a whole 
ham, which she had just boiled off, but they only minced, as 
they were not hungry, and loitered around, cursing and 
swearing, thus hoping to drive us away, with the intention of 
ransacking the premises evidently. 

Finally they went outside and shot their carbines past 
the door repeatedly, and yelled for an hour, when we all locked 
the doors and went up stairs and remained until our parents 
returned. My father was so aggravated that next morning 
he went to Shafer's Mill, where they had just encamped, 
and found them washing their horses' heads, which they had 
cut and bruised the day before. They were reported to the 



Progress of the War 143 

officer in charge, who at once discharged them, and gave them 
short time to leave camp. . 

At such a time one's spirits either rises to deeds of des- 
peration or succumbs to utter dejection. I don't think I was 
a cowardly boy, but the enormous responsibility thus thrust 
upon me, with the awful tlireats and terrible visages of these 
men, for that one time, was too much for me. 

A similar case occurred just across the river from our 
home, when a boy but a few years older than myself, rose in 
his matchless determination^ above the sphere of youth, or 
even mortality, and defied a whole squad of raiders. This 
boy used to cross the river at the two locks in his little boat 
and come to Downsville to shop for his mother, who was a 
widow. I knew him well, a barefoot boy, of listless, noble 
stride, often walking with us from school he would have but 
little to say. His name was Norman Whiting. 

Just after dark, one Saturday night, there came rushing 
up the road and into the premises a squad of cavalry ; the boy 
knowing what such raids meant, got his old gun and crouched 
under the corn crib, resolving to attempt to scare or capture 
the whole of them, and protect his mother and their home. 

When the soldiers were just opposite him he jumped out 
and called to them to surrender, perhaps thinking the Yankees 
would suspect more rebels being there, and in their cowardice 
flee. But, alas ! poor Norman went down, pierced by a dozen 
balls. The Yankees knew better than Norman that that was 
not the way the Rebels fought, and were safe in their conclu- 
sions. 

An abolitionist, to have seen a burly negro with a rifle 
cocked leading a Yankee with whom he had changed clothes, 



144 The Unwritten South 

might have been disgusted. Two Southerners who took too 
much Hquor were unable to take charge of the Yankee they 
had captured, when the negro said to Longstreet, who had 
asked what it meant, "I was afraid dis' Yank would dodge 
de boys." 

The siege of Vicksburg must be mentioned as one of the 
most significant occurrences of the war. Sherman had at- 
tacked it in December, 1862, but had been so badly repulsed 
that he was glad to get away. After this General Grant took 
command. He spent three months making experiments to 
flank it. At first he cut a canal on the west, but the waters 
came near drowning his own men. Then he was going to cut 
a new channel in the Mississippi from Lake Providence to the 
Gulf of Mexico. But he failed in this. Then he tried a canal 
from the Yazoo River to a point south of Vicksburg, in which 
he was also unsuccessful. 

But Admiral Porter kept up the excitement with his fleet. 
Waiting for a dark night he took five ironclads and resolved to 
run past the Confederate batteries. This was accomplished 
with the dilapidation of two of his gunboats, but when once 
past there were no more forts or soldiers between there and 
Grand Gulf. But Porter amused himself for two weeks throw- 
ing shells into the houses containing only women and children. 
Here was more cruelty, and a violation of civilized warfare. 
One morning he gave an order to move upon Grand Gulf, 
when some one answered, "We have not yet had breakfast." 
Porter said, "O never mind breakfast, we will take it in half 
hour and breakfast afterward." But after a whole day's bom- 
bardment, he gave up the job, having had his boats terribly 
crippled. 



Progress of the War 145 

Grant, emboldened by Porter's success in passing- Vicks- 
burg, decided to transfer his army to the south of Vicksburg, 
in the rear. By this move the Confederates were overpowered 
and had to fall back. Johnson tried to raise an army to defend 
the children from cruelties, but as food was getting scarcer and 
scarcer he finally, with Pendleton, proposed an armistice. 

This was a terrible blow to the Confederacy. The navy of 
the nation, which the South had helped to make and maintain, 
was telling upon the South and effecting what the armies of 
the North could not do. 

After the fall of Vicksburg General Gordon surrendered 
Port Anderson, as it was useless to hold out longer and starve. 

The Mississippi River was now open from its mouth. The 
South was now cut off from Texas. Here again merciless 
cruelties were practiced upon the unprotected women and chil- 
dren. I will give only one which occurred to the personal 
knowledge of one of the historians of Virginia. One of Grant's 
regiments, on a plundering tour, came across a wealthy planter 
from Kentucky, when they tore open all trunks and work 
boxes in the house, wrenched the rings from the hands of the 
ladies and watches from their bosoms ; took every article of 
clothing in the house, and shoes and stockings from the chil- 
dren's feet. Pictures and family miniatures were destroyed, 
and everything eatable taken or destroyed. Live animals 
which could not be taken along were killed and left on the 
plantation. They threatened to bayonet the brats if the 
mother did not hold her tongue while she was pleading with 
them to desist. Shortly after this the lady died and her young- 
est child. Her surviving daughters are with their friends in 
Kentucky still. No wonder that today the very name of 



146 The Unwritten South 

Yankee carries with it the suggestion of all that is greedy and 
cruel. 

Charleston was the eyesore to the abolitionists. After 
repeated efforts to take the fort they conceived the barbarous 
idea of destroying the harbor^ by sinking in the channel a 
large number of vessels laden with stones. The strong current, 
however, made another channel, just as good as the old one, 
and the malignity miscarried. The North thought that it 
would not do for this little city to defy them, so Lincoln went 
to work at the naval department and built a large number of 
ironclad vessels, costing many millions of dollars. On the 7th 
of April, 1863, they steamed up the river most gaily, but met 
with such a rain of shot and shell that they beat a hasty re- 
treat. More than half of the fleet was disabled. 

Then General Gillman tried the effect of a great land 
force, but was terribly repulsed and glad to abandon the job. 
Finally Gillman got an immense cannon, carrying a shell five 
miles, and threw them into the city among the women, children 
and sick in the hospitals. Gillman telegraphed to Washing- 
ton that Charleston was a shapeless mass and harmless. 

On September 7th Dahlgren, the naval commander, made 
a demand upon Beauregard for surrender. Beauregard politely 
rephed, "Come and take it." The Admiral determined to do 
so, and on the next night sent an expedition to take it by sur- 
prise. Major Elliott saw the expedition, and reserving his 
force until the enemy were within a few yards of the fort, he 
fired into them. The Confederates almost destroyed the whole 
business, capturing five boats and a lot of prisoners, also the 
identical flag that Anderson carried in 1861, which Dahlgren 
felt so sure he would raise upon this occasion. 



Progress of the War 147 

Fort Sumpter had been taken so often that the North was 
sick of hearing about it. It became a standing joke. At 
Chickamaugua again at this time was another great battle, in 
which the Confederates were more than successful against 
Rosecrans and Burnside with 95,000 men. This ended the 
career of Rosecrans. Grant was appointed to his command. 

Next was the battle of Missionary Ridge, in which Bragg 
was defeated by an army large enough to surround him four 
times. 

At Saben Pass, later, the Confederates gained a brilliant 
little victory. This ended the year 1863. 

Congress met in December and made Grant Commander- 
in-Chief. His success at Vicksburg and Missionary Ridge 
made him the hero of the hour. 

Then came the battle between the Merrimac and the Cum- 
berland and later the Merrimac and the Monitor. It was not 
generally known until after the war that the Monitor was en- 
tirely disabled as well as the Merrimac. The Monitor had to be 
tugged off the field. 

It was well said that the South fought the North and the 
world besides. Mr. Lincoln next announced his emancipation 
proclamation, and various acts of Congress, authorizing the 
use of negroes as soldiers for the army. To use the negroes 
to fight the South was one of the meanest and vilest things 
they ever did ; besides it was an acknowledgment that twenty- 
five millions of the North could not whip eight millions of the 
South. There were gotten up flags to be given to this negro 
regiment, who were made giddy by large bounties, as memen- 
toes. To use their own words the ladies of New York pre- 
sented to a negro regiment, "Of love and honor from the 



148 The Unwritten South 

daughters of this metropohs." This took place in Union 
Square. After forty years it is hard to conceive of such mad- 
ness existing. Lincoln and Seward now threw off their masks 
and openly falsified all their solemn pledges. In the winter 
of 1863 the soldiers were in a state of mutiny on account of 
the negro comrades. In New York State there were riots on 
account of attempts to draft, even where such large bounties 
were given. 

In the State of Maryland the comparative number of 
men who fought with the North as against those who fought 
with the South outside of the drafted troops, was small indeed. 

Let us look at some of Mr. Lincoln's politics even in the 
North. In Connecticut Seymour was nominated for Governor, 
when Lincoln saw it would not do for a Democrat to be elected, 
and sent home two or three thousand soldiers to vote against 
him. Burnside was sent to the West at the elections in 
October and August in Ohio, Kentucky, Illinois and Indiana. 
He commenced his despotic course by arresting Congress- 
men, trumping up stories that they had talked treason. The 
orders were that no disloyal men should vote, and as all 
Democrats were considered disloyal, hence were not allowed 
to vote. 

In Chicago the Democrats sent word to Lincoln that 
if Burnside's order was not rescinded to suppress the circula- 
tion of the "Times" then no Republican paper should be 
issued ; and Lincoln at once backed down. 

In the West the people suffered so that they organized a 
society called the ''Sons of Liberty" to protect themselves. 
Many ladies were arrested ; the names of some of whom were 
Bowles, Hersey, Millikin and others, who were sentenced to 



Progress of the War 149 

death, and only escaped through President Johnson after his 
accession to ofhce. 

Horrible tales were gotten up in the North about the 
treatment of Federal soldiers as prisoners in the South. Pic- 
tures were made altogether false and fictitious, and sent North, 
And yet they absolutely refused to exchange them, as they 
said thirty or forty thousand Confederates would reinforce 
the army, and as to the Federals they would not re-enlist, as 
their time was mostly out. One "Reb" with his shotgun and 
home-made powder was worth at least six hired "Yanks," 
so the exchange was out of the question. 

In 1864 Sherman, finding he could not conquer, went to 
pillaging. He sent out detachments, and almost destroyed 
and pillaged Enterprise, Quitman, Hillsboro, Canton, Deca- 
tur, and Linderman, destroying the provisions of the inhabi- 
tants and robbing them of their money. 

At least 10,000 negroes were forced from the plantations, 
many of whom were taken into the army. 

Banks was sent to New Orleans in place of Butler, in 
March, and a scheme put up to hook a lot of cotton ; when 
he got badly whipped two days in succession. 

On the 28th of October Kilpatrick was sent with 5,000 
picked men to raid Richmond. There were only the clerks of 
the stores and old men left; but these, when ordered to sur- 
render, killed Dahlgren and routed the division. Upon 
Dahlgren's body papers were found showing a plot was thus 
defeated to release the prisoners at Richmond, kill Davis and 
his cabinet, and burn the city. These papers were placed in 
the hands of Fitzhugh Lee, who still lives, and the authen- 
ticity of this was confirmed from a small note book contain- 



150 The Unwritten South 

ing a rough draft of some of the memoranda of the papers. 
The thought comes up could the authorities at Washington 
have sanctioned such actions. But does it not favorably com- 
port with hundreds of cases all through the war? Just' here, 
without any undue insinuations, let me say that whilst history 
may be perverted for a time, men's deeds follow them and 
facts are never distorted. Do we not look in vain, even at 
Washington, for monuments to Lincoln and Seward ? Though 
an attempt was made towards this end. 

A book under the title of the real Lincoln, was ejected 
from a library in the North because it termed Lincoln an in- 
fidel. No attempt was made to disprove the fact, however. 
Will some one kindly give some proof of his religious and de- 
votional habits, if such there were; who his pastor was, to 
what church he belonged, etc., if he is to be held up as an 
exemplary man for our boys. I do not mean good sayings of a 
moral character ; any man at the head of a Christian nation, or 
aiming to get there, would for policy's sake recognize the 
plain virtues of ordinary civilization. 

On the 3rd of May Grant cried, ''On to Richmond!" his 
train of wagons alone numbering 4,000. If you will ascer- 
tain correctly the statistics of the battles of Gordonsville, the 
Wilderness and Spotsylvania you will find how nearly suc- 
cessful he was in his plans. But for his hammering with su- 
perior numbers, which were always at command, he should 
have been run out of Virginia. Grant was badly whipped 
with his double numbers at all of those battles, with losses 
double of Lee's, and finally had to retreat, give up the fight- 
ing and go to digging. Grant lost 70,000 men. General 
l^Ieade's report admits 37,700 in the two last engagements. 



Progress of the War 151 

The historians of the army of the Potomac said the handle 
of the hammer was broken. Grant's men 2^rew to despise 
him as a butcher, who preferred masses to maneuvering. 
After these battles Grant had to stop and send for reinforce- 
ments before attempting to go further. And now, when he 
did go again, it was to be driven back across the North Anna 
River with more of his men killed. 

He now went in the direction of the Chickahominy River. 
Here another battle occurred, that of Cold Harbor, or one of 
Grant's slaughter pens. At only one of Lee's assaults Grant 
lost 13,000 men. Here, and after this, Grant's whole army 
refused to obey his orders. Not a man stirred, says Swinton, 
the historian, and a spectator. Grant had now in these five 
battles lost more men than Lee's whole army. Think of it. 
Do our American historians give such records for our children 
to read and study? The truth suppressed is but a He. 

But this hammering of Grant was what the North wanted ; 
just to keep on and starve them out, or any other way to 
outwit the South. Grant said he could afford to lose three 
soldiers to kill one rebel. But after all this slaughter he pulled 
up exactly where McClellan did two years before. And but 
for the worn and haggard condition of Lee's army. Grant 
would have been put out of service like his predecessors ; for 
he was not a superior commander at all, but chanced to be 
the one on hand when Lee's army had become a skeleton. 

Grant now fell back to James River, fifty-five miles, and 
tried to take Petersburg before Lee could get after him, but 
here again he found his counter hammer at him, and many 
more thousands of his men biting the dust. This failure was 
such a great one that Grant gave up fighting and went to dig- 



152 The Unwritten South 

ging entrenchments for the balance of his army. But with 
all his pains at this time, after two weeks of fruitless attempts 
to whip Lee, he lost again nearly 20,0(X) men, without much 
loss to Lee. An immense mine was dug under a position of 
Lee's army, w^hich Grant thought would about annihilate 
that portion of the enemy. The 30th of July was fixed upon 
for the explosion and a general assault through the gap upon 
Lee's army. The explosion took place at half-past four 
o'clock in the morning. The only damage this did was to 
surprise the Confederates for a few minutes. An opening 
about 150 feet long, 60 wide and 30 deep was made, through 
which Grant undertook to push his columns, with a brigade 
of negroes under Burnside in front. A fierce fire from Lee's 
works turned them back with such fright and murder that 
they fell upon the white troops behind in such confusion as 
to be terrific, though laughable. So Grant's experiment 
turned out to be another slaughter, in which shells and bombs 
rained, while the obstructing thousands of troops, trying to 
retreat, were being destroyed. The same historian says, more 
than 4,000 were killed and captured. 

Here may be seen still the triple line of entrenchments 
sixty miles long. Here may be seen the spot where 150 old 
men and children held a position until all were killed. Here 
also may be seen the point at which 250 Confederates repulsed 
three attacks by 5,000 troops, and when finally captured, only 
26 remained standing and firing as the guns were passed up to 
them by their wounded comrades on the ground. Upon this 
field the Confederates drove the Yankees from their breast- 
works by raising their caps upon their bayonets, and when 
the Yankees fired they rushed upon them before they could 



Progress of the War 153 

reload. At this place upon two acres of ground, more men 
were killed than could have stood upon the same space at one 
time. 

In September he attacked the defences of Richmond, 
north of the James River, but met with another repulse. This 
ended Grant's offensive movements for months. 

In May, when he started for Richmond, he sent Seigel to 
take Lynchburg", and Butler to take Petersburg, both of which 
failed. 

Grant next sent Hunter to take Lynchburg. He not 
only got whipped but didn't stop until he got to West Vir- 
ginia, where he arrested two editors for speaking disgracefully 
of his campaign. He burned the Military Institute, the Gov- 
ernor's house, and committed other fiendish acts in his cha- 
grin. 

Seigel went marching up the Valley to pick up Brecken- 
ridge with 3,500 men at New Market. Breckenridge fearing 
lest he should not be able to hold his own against four times 
his number, 15,000 strong, sent word to General Shipp, of the 
Military Institute at Lexington, to send out the boys to help. 
Accordingly 300 of them, ranging in age from 14 to 17, com- 
manded by Shipp, marched all night in the rain and mud to 
reach New Market in time. Some of the boys lost their shoes 
in the mud, but arrived just in time for the fight. Brecken- 
ridge was delighted at such exemplary valor, and selected a 
protected place because of their youthfulness, and placed 
them there, when they begged to be allowed to fight in the 
advance, to which Breckenridge finally agreed. The result 
of the battle, if you have never heard it, was a grand victory 
for the Confederates. The boys actually charged the lines of 



154 The Unwritten South 

the enemy, killed their cannoneers and bayoneted their offi- 
cers, who at first refused to surrender to a lot of children, as 
one said. Fifty of their companions, however, were left upon 
the sod at New Market in killed and wounded. 

Hunter's defeat at Lynchburg opened the Valley again 
as a battlefield, and Jubal Early went down the Valley, cap- 
turing all in front of him, and on into Maryland and line of 
Pennsylvania. Early burned the homes of Governor Brad- 
ford and Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, in retaliation for 
Hunter's burning in the Valley. 

Grant now resolved to resort to savage measures. He 
sent an army under Sheridan to the Valley, which, with Hun- 
ter's force, made an army larger than Early could contend 
with. He was driven out of the Valley with heavy loss, and 
Sheridan set to work like a brute to destroy the beautiful 
valley. Of course, his orders were from Washington. He 
burned every house, barn, mill, hay stack, grain and all of the 
plows, harrows, etc., gathering them into heaps. Grant 
bragged that he had burned 2,000 barns. Ten thousand 
women and children were thrown out of homes to live as best 
they could in caves, tents, etc. They called it war. Sup- 
pose one had an enemy and should burn his barn ; could he 
justly say that he had a fight with his enemy and defeated him? 

Sherman now began his march through Georgia. John- 
son's army was less than one-fourth of that of Sherman's 
now. On the 14th and 15th of May Sherman was badly re- 
pulsed by Johnson's little band at Resacca. Johnson was 
finally compelled to fall back to the Kenesaw Mountain. 

On the 27th of June Johnson again whipped Sherman, 
and again his army was flanked and compelled to fall back. 



Progress of the War 155 

It was now the 4th of July, and the time the Confederate 
General Polk was killed by a shell while surveying Sherman's 
position. At the opening of the war he laid aside the robes 
of his ministerial office and went with heart and soul into the 
contest, to save his country. He had lately remarked, that 
"He felt like a man who had left his business when his home 
was on fire, to put it out ; for as soon as the war was over he 
should go back to his calling." 

Johnson had now fallen back to Atlanta. Davis thought 
that Johnson did not do his duty in letting Sherman push 
him back, and appointed Hood in his place. 

On the 20th, 22nd and 28th of July Hood attacked Sher- 
man and punished him soundly, capturing some guns and 
provisions ; but it was only a matter of time with Hood's lit- 
tle band. On the ist of September Atlanta was evacuated. 
Hood now made for Nashville, but encountered an army 
under Thomas, and there were several minor engagements 
with varied results. 

Winter now came on and the Confederates suffered ter- 
ribly. On the i6th of December they were compelled to fall 
back. This ended the events of 1864. 

Will stop to say, that after the capture of Atlanta, houses 
and churches were burned, stores ransacked, and hundreds of 
women and children were compelled to seek shelter in the 
mountains. At one place Sherman took four hundred factory 
girls and sent them north of the Ohio River, away from home 
and friends. Such things are inhuman, and one's blood is 
made to boil to even relate them. 

All the white inhabitants were made to leave the city 



156 The Unwritten South 

without regard to age or condition. All who would not take 
Lincoln's oath were sent South to famish. 

Such a stream of men, women and children, with their 
all in their hands, could be seen wending their way from the 
desolated city. Hood retorted against this as cruelty, but 
Sherman said, "War is cruelty! This year we will take 
your property, and next year your lives !" 

Four years had now gone by since Lincoln was elected — 
who received of the popular vote 1,866,352, while Brecken- 
ridge, ct. al. received 2,810,501. Electoral vote, Lincoln, 180; 
Breckenridge, 123 — four years of blood and plunder, and van- 
dalism. 

Lincoln's power was now greater than a king's. An 
army of men, more than a million, did his bidding. Thou- 
sands of officials all over the country, such as postmasters, 
tax collectors, revenue officers, detectives, spies, marshals, etc., 
and if he needed more he could just appoint them. Millions 
upon millions of dollars had been squandered upon contracts 
for the army and navy, prizes to the officers for taking certain 
forts and destroying property. So flagrant was this monstrous 
outlawing, that Congress was actually shamed into making 
a pretense at investigation. All this robbery was done, re- 
member, by a party claiming to represent a great moral idea. 

Of course, no one but Mr. Lincoln was nominated for 
President, but to pretend to be liberal, Andrew Johnson, of 
Tennessee, was made Vice-President. The Democrats went 
to work with a will to try to defeat Lincoln, in hope of still 
saving the country from the perils of consolidation. It was 
soon discovered that a fair election was not to be held. In 
New York an efifort was made to return a fair list of the votes 



Progress of the War 157 

of soldiers, but Lincoln ordered the arrest of one, Colonel 
North, until after the election. 

General Butler was sent to New York three days before 
the election with a command of troops under him. To some 
people there has always been a great deal of mystery about 
this matter. Some of the abolition papers actually threatened 
to take power by force, in case McClellan should be elected. 

Mobile was attacked in July by Farragut, and later, 
Wilmington, which the Federalists had repeatedly attempted 
to take. Here Butler tried his heroism again on Fort Fisher 
by blowing up an old vessel filled with powder, as close to the 
fort as he could get it ; when lo, there was a dull thud and all 
was over. He was now ironically called the hero of Fort 
Fisher. 

We left Sherman at Atlanta, which, upon leaving, he 
burned. He now started for the coast and had little opposi- 
tion in his marauding through the country. He reached Co.- 
lumbia in February, and here he virtually shut his eyes to all 
that was horrible and devilish. General Wade Hampton 
purposely evacuated it so that Sherman could have no excuse 
for bombarding it. The Mayor went out to meet Sherman, 
and formally surrendered it to General Stone, of the Fifth 
corps. He assured the Mayor that the city should not be 
disturbed while he was in command. A little later Sherman's 
main army came up, however, and then destruction began. 
The citizens were stripped of their clothes, boots and shoes, 
and at one o'clock the city was fired, after the stores had been 
plundered, and all that could be utilized was taken. The 
citizens rallied to put out the fire, but soon another one started, 
and the soldiers finally destroyed the fire engines and cut 



158 The Unwritten South 

the hose with their swords. As many as 25 fires were burn- 
ing at one time. The soldiers carried a kind of pitch from 
house to house to start the flames. Women and children 
could be seen at the windows of the cracking, crumbling walls 
and none to help. Sick and helpless women were not ex- 
cepted, who had rings snatched from their fingers upon their 
death beds. The people were driven from the churches 
where they sought safety, and even in the parks fire brands 
were thrown among women and children. Sherman afterwards 
said that the city caught fire from burning cotton. Hampton 
was not the man to be silenced by such assertions, so he wrote 
a letter giving an account of the fire as above described, and 
added that not one bale of cotton was on fire when Sherman 
came, and that he knew it,, and that his assertions were false. 
Sherman never attempted a reply. 

Besides Columbia he burned at least a dozen other towns 
in the Carolinas. 

The events of 1865 now flew along thick and fast, with- 
out hope to the South ; still they held out stoutly. William- 
son was next taken, and so on. The Northern army now 
numbered 200,000 while Lee's forces all told, were not over 
20,000. 

At this time Congress passed a so-called amendment to 
the Constitution, by gag law, to legalize Lincoln's edict. Of 
course eleven states were made to submit at the point of the 
bayonet. Yes, the Constitution to which all had sworn to be 
faithful as it stood until properly amended. This now was 
new matter in the Constitution and should have resulted by 
the whole collection of States making it. Did it ever occur 
to you why the Yankees should be so eager to reconstruct by 



Progress of the War 159 

amending the Constitution, if their object was restoration. 
Is it not apparent that their aim was for something new in- 
stead of the old and true. 

The remaining army at this date was upon a ration of 
one pound of flour and one pound of beef per day. In this 
starving condition Lee attempted to break through the enemy's 
hues and breastworks on the 25th of March at Fort Steadman, 
and for a while swept everything before him, but after losing 
2,500 men he fell back. 

On the 2nd of April Lee sent a dispatch to Davis that he 
would that night evacuate Richmond to keep his men from 
starving. 

On the 7th of April Lee received a letter from Grant 
asking him to surrender. Lee asked what terms he had to 
offer. Grant replied, write out your own conditions, which 
he did, as living witnesses will testify. Grant in his memoirs 
says: "Had the South held out one year longer the North 
would have been compelled to grant any terms demanded." 
The following terms were agreed upon, as Grant virtually 
said, "If you will quit fighting we will." 

How much better it would have been for the North to 
have heeded the appeals of the South before the war and have 
said, "We won't fight if you don't," and left the South to 
attend to its own local affairs. 

How little morals has ever been accomplished by the 
sword. 

How plainly apparent was it that under a pretense of 
morality usurpation was achieved. 

The following are the terms : "That all officers give 
their parols not to take up arms against the United States 



i6o The Unwritten South 

until properly exchanged. The arms and public property to 
be stacked and packed, and turned over to the officers ap- 
pointed to receive them. This done each man will be allowed 
to return to his home, not to be disturbed by the United 
States authorities, so long as they observe their parols and 
the laws in force where they may reside." 

Sherman also arranged terms with Johnson, both of which 
arrangements recognized the rights of the States, and in effect 
restored the old Union, with assurance that the South should 
be treated fairly, which assurance could not be had until four 
years of war had passed. 

But no sooner did the abolitionists hear of the terms than 
they set up a howl and cry perfectly deafening, and rejected 
the terms, but were obliged ^o submit finally. 



Result of the War. 



III. RESULT OF THE WAR. 

Lincoln was now brought face to face with the problem 
he could no longer dodge. Would he allow the States to re- 
sume their old places or would he use his power to compel 
them to relinquish the State laws and institutions? Would 
he stand by his word as announced at the beginning of the 
war, that each State should remain the same whether the war 
failed or succeeded? It is thought by many of the best men 
that Lincoln was handicapped by the party who nominated 
him. 

In this connection let us remember that on the 4th of 
March, 1861, he said that he had no legal right to interfere 
with slavery, nor any inclination to do so. Did he die a truth- 
ful man? 

In July of the same year he endorsed the resolution that 
the war was waged to preserve the rights and equality of the 
States unimpaired. The day before the extra session of Con- 
gress adjourned he said to Malvoy, of Kentucky, that "This 
war is carried on with the idea that there is a union of senti- 
ment at the South which, set free from the control of the Con- 
federates, would replace the States in the Union." 'Tf there 
is not," then said he, ''the war is not only a wrong, but a 
crime." They would have been only too glad to have been 
not only replaced, but to have remained in the Union. 

In his inaugural address he further said that the endur- 
ance of our "political fabric depends upon the right of each 
State to control its domestic institutions," 



164 , The Unwritten South 

On January i, 1863, he issued a proclamation declaring 
that he would use the army and navy to prevent this "endur- 
ance" of our political system. 

On the 1 2th of December, 1862, he said that if the South- 
ern States w^ould cease to resist and submit to the Constitution 
of the United States, the war should cease on the part of the 
United States. 

But on July 18, 1864, he published, "To whom it may 
concern," that lie would "listen to no terms of peace from the 
South which did not agree to the abandonment of their rights 
under the Constitution." 

As the w^ar and excitement increased the hatred of the 
people, Lincoln found he could step by step go from one thing 
to another, until he made his record as a trickster and oath- 
breaker. His proposition to Davis in 1862 to let slavery remain 
intact if he, Davis, w^ould abandon State Rights and quit fight- 
ing, proved his willingness to swap all his boasted sympathy 
for, and interest in the negro, for the birthright of a section of 
States ; at which time Davis replied "No ! We will fight you 
and you may take the Negro." 

Davis deprecated the inevitable consequences of summarily 
turning such a race loose upon the South as any one, but 
preferred the power of the evil to the unpardonable crime of 
ignoring a principle of his constituents. You see, either 
the negro vote, or abandonment of State Rights would give 
party power to aggrandize the General Government, the pet 
of New England since Hamilton's time. This power was 
gained by the right of mighty and has produced the two greatest 
calamities our country has ever suffered, viz. : The imposition 
of the tariff scheme, and the insubordination of the negro by^ 



Result of the War , 165 

the "Equal Rights Bill." Out of these two dilemmas have 
grown the corporate scandals of the North, and the criminal 
assaults in the South. Before Republicanism shall have lived 
as long as did Rome with all its falsity, it shall be proven that 
Lincoln paved the way for the extermination of the negro, I 
fear ; for one of three things must follow according to all pre- 
cedents, when two races come together, viz. : amalgamation, 
subordination, or extermination. Poor negro! Though this 
would be but a partial expression of sympathy did we not add, 
poor innocent white women, for at the present rate thousands 
shall yet fall victims of worse horrors than death itself at the 
hands of the negro before the issue is disposed of ; nor do we 
know whose daughter or sister or wife shall be the next. Yes, 
Lincoln, who by the mighty stroke of the pen did so much, did 
among other things declare medicine contrabrand of war — did 
suspend the Habeas Corpus law under constitutional form of 
government — did disband and imprison State Legislatures so as 
to prevent secession with a view to drafting the men — did burn 
and pillage the South at least by consent. If Lincoln was sent 
of God as the Yankees say, it was to prove by test the inefficacy 
of One Man Rule, as against established rights of the States. 
McKinley, too, was popular, a far better man, but he lacked 
judgment so far as to promote the tariff as a principal a thor- 
ough trial of v/hich has settled for all times, we hope, the in- 
justice of the scheme. 

Search Lincoln's record as a politician, and you will find 
him first a Whig, then both Whig and Republican, then Repub- 
lican. The moral stories in their northern periodicals every time 
his birthday comes round do not comport with his crooked 
politics. 



1 66 The Unwritten South 

If Lincoln deserves so much praise for Hberating the negro 
why not give the South credit for attempting the same thing in 
1787. The South was working at the problem, and would have 
solved the problem in a more satisfactory way but for the med- 
dling of the North. This was a scheme adopted to get the 
President. 

Have you read Herndon's Life of Lincoln ? Herndon was 
Lincoln's law partner and must have been a most accurate biog- 
rapher in consequence. He makes Lincoln an infidel as he 
narrates his life from boyhood. The Lincoln family bought up 
the whole edition known of excepting one, and burned them. 
Mrs. Tarbell's fictitious writings, though, of Lincoln's life, have 
been boosted in the magazines because she colors everything 
brighter for Lincoln. 

The North has fallen in with his irreligious ideas and 
pantheists, agnostics, and unitarians are the ruling doctrines 
there now. Upon good authority it is said that not a minister 
of the gospel supported Lincoln in his own state at his election. 
Lincoln's later concern for the Union as expressed, and his 
troubled look in consequence of the war, as held by some, was 
caused by his having done so much to sever the Union, and a 
remorseful consciousness of the failure to submit to the con- 
stitution. Lincoln said in one of his speeches that he wanted to 
save the Union, and did not care about slavery. 

But his actions proved that he wanted to make a Union and 
not save one. The whole object was to amend the Constitution 
so as to place the rights of states in the dominion of Federal 
power. An extended research has revealed the fact that Abra- 
ham Enloe was Lincoln's father and Nancy Hanks his mother, 
This is why he never talked of his boyhood, 



Result of the War 167 

This is further related of Lincoln, upon which I make no 
criticisms here. Let time settle all these things. No sooner 
was Richmond evacuated than Mr. Lincoln paid it a visit. 
After gratifying his curiosity a few hours in the deserted resi- 
dence of Davis, he went back to Washington. In Richmond 
he had a conference with Judge John Campbell in regard to 
the restoration of Virginia to the Union. In this interview 
with Campbell he agreed to allow Virginia to meet in Legisla- 
ture, and arranged to this end, giving orders to General Weitzel 
to allow the members to come to Richmond upon the terms 
that he would restore the Union. But on the evening of the 
1 2th of April all were startled with the news that Lincoln had 
refused to allow the Legislature to meet, and had counter- 
manded the order to General Weitzel. This would have re- 
duced her to the condition of a common province of the Fed- 
eral Government. This was his last order. That very night 
he was shot at the Opera House while the whole nation should 
have been in tears. It was said that one Wilkes Booth, com- 
mitted the assassination and was later caught and killed in a 
barn in Virginia. 

Lately the facts have come to light that Booth was not 
captured at all, but recently died and was identified by his 
brother. No one was ever heard of getting the reward for the 
capture of Booth, which goes to confirm this fact. For two 
weeks, be it remembered, the real actions in the tragedy were 
veiled in mystery. The same night Seward was so badly 
stabbed in his bed as to barely escape with his life. 

Four persons were hanged for the offense with only 
twenty-four hours given them for preparation to die. Talk 
about lynch law. Mrs Serratt was offered her release and a 



1 68 The Unwritten South 

handsome sum of money if she would imphcate Davis in the as- 
sassination of Lincohi by her evidence. She said she could not 
do so, but could die. She was hanged because she would not 
tell a lie. The most singular part of all connected with this 
affair is that no coroner's inquest was ever held on Lincoln's 
body ; no legal evidence taken as to the manner of his death ; 
not a single person ever brought into a court of law as evi- 
dence, nor a single person testifying to his death, the cause of 
it, or the perpetrator of it. It was said that the skull of the 
victim of Lincoln's death was placed in a museum ; his heart 
preserved in spirits, and his body sent no one knows where. 

You will notice that when John Brown was executed, 
after a fair trial, for treason and murder, with the consent of 
the North, his body w^as put in a coffin decently and handed 
over to his friends. Yet the slavery section of this country 
was said to be semi savage. This very plainly illustrates the 
spirit of the tw^o sections of this country. 

We have only such evidence of the whole affair connected 
with the assassination of Lincoln as was furnished the public 
by a military tribunal, which was managed in such a one sided 
way that Reverdy Johnson, counsel for one of the prisoners, 
left in disgust; as all just rules of evidence were set aside, and 
respectable lawyers insulted by brutal military officers. 

What has been written upon this subject has not been 
done with any intention of reviving ill feelings, wdiich ought 
to be forgotten after so long a time, but with a view of setting 
forth the real facts, as against the prevalent mode of portray- 
ing something for popularity, without regard to exact truth ; 
that our children may learn to know both sides of a question 
that has not been really settled, and which according to some 



Result of the War 169 

of our Northern prophets, will never be settled by the people. 
If what I write appears strong in sentiment, remember it is 
only a defence against the vile interpretation of the other side 
so long ago, and so boastfully written. Surely after 40 years 
one is not considered quarrelsome to reply in no uncertain 
manner. 

There is so much ignorance in the country to-day with 
regard to the difficulties of our free institutions, incited by 
prejudice, which, it seems will never cease, that I think it 
high time for some attempts at correction and justification to- 
wards those who have borne, with almost superhuman heroism, 
such an affliction as has passed over them. 

After a few more evidences of truth, which I cannot re- 
frain from enumerating, I shall be ready to show that afflic- 
tions are for good, and that the Lord chasteneth whom He 
loveth. 

It wouldn't do for Providence to always favor those who 
were right and had done well, else the matter of policy would 
be sought instead of a principle, and hence, the test of char- 
acter and merit would not be effected. Evil agencies are often 
employed for good. You recall the successes of wicked war- 
riors, and the approval of the harlots in scripture, who enter- 
tained the spies. 

Yes, everybody would do the thing they should if it 
brought them their desire at once. In consequence, men say 
things happen, but one thing we are assured, that all will 
eventually work out for the best to those who are honest. 
''God's judgments are not always speedily executed,'' because 
of which men are ready to pass judgment themselves. 

Men are prone to say that those things which favor them 



170 The Unwritten South 

are providential occurrences, and things contrary to their 
wishes are accidental. There are always those ready to 
ejaculate, "I told you so!" You are too young to remember, 
but to the writer it seems a very short time ago that the news- 
papers and public speakers were rubbing their hands and 
shouting thanks for the success of the Federalists^ by direct 
order of Providence, when like a pall the words in every one's 
mouth were changed to "the great misfortune" which had 
overcome the country in the death of Abraham Lincoln. What 
is there that will make men more inconsistent than prejudice 
and ill will ? 

Is it not a fact that the party in power has been having 
misfortune ever since ? Johnson's succession to the Presidency 
was a great calamity upon it; so much so that it attempted to 
impeach him. By this event, be its ordering as it may, the 
Southern States again held their rights, as promised to them 
at the surrender, and as they insisted upon having at the time 
of the attempt to destroy State Rights. 

Again, the Republicans were unfortunate in not being 
able to establish negro supremacy in the South, and have so 
closely been put to, that they have been uneasy with a large 
majority of territory. Yes, they were even outdone at the 
elections of Tilden and Cleveland. 

How often have they had to change their tactics to delude 
the people with the tariff and currency. A dozen different 
phases have been assumed. They are now confronted with 
the dilemma of settling the race question and labor troubles. 
They are passing the ordeal of seeing their own boasted section 
retrograding in morals, religion, influence, and everything 
worthy of the name of quality, and to them the no less hu- 



Result of the War 171 

miliating fact of the South's peerless advancement, despite the 
fact that the negro has been left a dead elephant upon its 
hands. 

Almost every one interested in the slave question has 
ventured a guess at the result of giving- the negro his fran- 
chise, so I will at least hazard a prophecy after so long a 
time as forty years. I am only as capable as any other South- 
erner of giving a valid opinion as to the future chances and 
resources of the South, but certainly more so than a North- 
erner, who seems bewildered in the maze of exaggerated re- 
ports, direct contradictions and conflicting statistics. 

You know full well how thoroughly convinced was the 
South of the inexpediency of the undertaking, by their deter- 
mination to hold out to the last bit of cornbread. But as to 
actual loss or gain to the South itself, perhaps no one busied 
his brain. Wiser heads than ours have puzzled over this grave 
question until they became lost in self-contradictory results. 
No one who has read the history of the West Indian Colonies 
has ever believed that the negro can be depended upon as a 
laborer for hire, with the exception of a very few of the older 
ones. In all ages this has been an apparent political necessity, 
on moral grounds, but whether this is a dilemma of greater 
proportions than its counter consequences, no Northern man 
is able to decide. 

The two darkest points of the whole matter in hand are: 
First, the complication of shame and sin arising from the mix- 
ture of the races. Secondly, the separation of husband and 
wife from each other and their families. The occurrence of 
the latter evil I am sure had grown almost exceptional, as civ- 



T72 The Unwritten South 

iHzation advanced ; indeed some States had already passed laws 
prohibiting this. 

The selling of husband or wife separately was almost ex- 
clusively as a punishment of the worst crimes ; for the like of 
which they are now strung up by the neck. I am safe in say- 
ing that the separation of husbands from their families at the 
time of their emancipation, induced by the giddy ideas held 
up to them by the abolitionists, and freedom from their cum- 
bersome wives and little ones, was ten-fold more frequent than 
their separations by sale ever had been. The subject is not a 
pleasant one to dwell upon as to the former evil. 

There is certainly a repugnance existing between the 
Anglo-Saxon and the African blood. Some of our scientific 
philosophers who have written volumes to prove that there is 
no difference between the races, should lead off and elevate 
the much injured race, by taking to wife one of Africa's sable 
daughters. The very opposite has been satisfactorily proven, 
viz. : that the negro is decidedly a distinct race, physically and 
mentally, as any one skilled in anatomy must know. After 
so long a time the fanaticism of the North must be blind in- 
deed, if not taught by recent events, in almost every State, a 
doubt of the tender mercies of the abolitionists being so tender 
after all. Has it ever been recorded in the libraries of New 
York and Boston why all offices in the Capitol of the United 
States are filled by appointment? This was inaugurated sim- 
ply to avoid the negro vote which the amendments to the con- 
stitution have forced upon the States. What a figure the 75,000 
negroes there would cut in an election. Some day the negro 
may put in his claim for representation in the Presidential 
Chair, or the Cabinet. Why should he not have equal right 



Result of the War 173 

in filling the offices in the District of Columbia as well as in the 
States ? 

The laws prohibited the imprisonment of a slave, so he 
had to be sold with the stigma of a crime upon him for what 
he would bring. The Constitution had provided for the pro- 
tection of the negro in slavery, but not as a freeman and citizen 
with equality. To turn him loose without citizenship was to 
give him no protection under the law. Lincoln's proclamation 
was simply to rob the negro of protection. Why was not an 
amendment to the constitution the first consideration instead of 
the last, since it was so necessary a condition? Samuel Mc- 
Cauley, of Washington county, Md._, had to sell the best slave 
he had because he nearly killed some other negro in Hagers- 
town who had robbed him at cards of his $10.00, which Mr. 
McCauley gave each one after harvest always. Mr. McCauley 
cried like a child in consequence. He was offered $17,000 for 
seventeen negroes, little and big, but he said it would not buy 
any of them. 

Does any one think at present that the negro in the North 
will ever rise higher than the Chinaman and Japanese in Cali- 
fornia ? A scintilla of Civil Rights is the utmost he can claim ; 
and is that, of all things, which he cannot enjoy or appreciate. 
No ! Legislation was the thing needed to correct the evil of 
slavery, but this was the thing avoided. 

The Patriarchal system of slavery is infinitely better 
than that of the coolies. The horrors of the waste of life in 
the Chincha Islands have never been matched in Kentucky or 
Louisiana. All the cruelties practised in the South in a whole 
year are outdone in a day by the coast trade. The brutalities 
upon apprentices and seamen, white and black, in the mer- 



174 The Unwritten South 

chant service are unutterable. Many Hves are a perfect ban- 
ishment, with only enough of food to keep them alive. 
The rations, the care and attention bestowed upon the slaves 
of the South has never been equaled in the case of any peas- 
antry of the world. The aged and infirm were cared for as 
their master's families. There was no child labor there, as 
now in this section. 

O, the kindness of these tender hearted people of the Old 
South. We rejoice exceedingly with them in their recovery 
from the abuses and libels inflicted. Truly the Southern people 
have won the admiration of the world by keeping their mouths 
shut and being patient. Oh, that they may still be able to keep 
their heads and wait for the retribution in full which shall be 
an added honor to them. 

Ask the old negroes whether they ever pined for freedom. 
Novelty enticed some, but ask of the border States what about 
the droves and droves of negroes after the war returning to old 
massa, having been driven or coaxed by some deception from 
their homes in the South by Sherman. It was pitiable, though 
laughable, to hear them crying, 'T'se gwine back to ole massa 
and get somethin' to eat. I ain't gwine to stay 'long wid dem 
nasty, dirty free niggers, 'deed I ain't." 

What has turned the negro, who originally was quiet 
and childish, mirthful and affectionate, into the sullen and in- 
solent savage that he is ; remembering the past as a sort of 
excuse for a retaliation and the exercise of his brutal propen- 
sities, imagining every man's hand against him. It seems 
hard to speak the truth, that they were much better off in 
slavery. I defy any one to show a single criminal assault upon 



Result of the War 175 

a white woman by a negro before the emancipation of the 
negro. 

For the sake of Christian charity, and the love of our wives 
and sisters, it must be asserted that probabilities suggest that 
a more successful means of dealing with the negro will be de- 
manded. God, in His own good time, will settle the whole 
matter. To us It is an anomaly. The Southern people are as 
confident of the justice of their claims as ever; and no one can 
be found who is ashamed of the part he took in the strife. The 
only regrets are found among those who were too young to aid 
in the conflict. 

A fond mother In V^irginla upon receiving consolations 
from Jackson after losing two sons, replied, "Oh, that's all 
right General ; we love them and miss them mightily, but an- 
other one will soon be old enough for the service in the cause." 
Let me mention here that upon a certain occasion Jackson's 
pastor received a letter from him when all were expecting to 
hear the result of a great battle. The pastor was sent for to 
read his letter at the post office for the benefit of all. To the 
surprise of all It read, "My dear Pastor, I'm reminded that 
this is our foreign missionary day — enclosed I send my con- 
tribution." To-day the army of the U. S. Is compelled to 
study Jackson's Military Tactics as Its text-book. It was pre- 
dicted that Jackson and Lee would not be heard of after the 
war. 

What of all the wild predictions of the fanatics of the 
North concerning the advancement of the negro after a chance 
was given him? Such as that the negro was destined to be, 
"The Church of Christ," quoting from Solomon where the 
bride professes herself "black but comely." 



176 The Unwritten South 

A. M. Gilbert, speaking of the effect of the proclamation 
in the South, said: 'T affirm that it would be better that 
every woman and child in the South should perish than that 
the principles of the Confederate statesmen should prevail." 
Later we shall see how nearly their principles have prevailed. 
This was said in the presence of a vast assembly, and not a 
man there, for the love of wife or mother, ventured to slap his 
mouth, but cheered him to the echo. 

The emancipation proclamation did the South no harm in 
comparison with the infamy and malice aimed at them long 
years before the war began. For years beforehand, in the 
border States, men had provided for a disunion of some kind. 
It was the same old and infallible rule over, whenever one 
section became jealous of the other, or desired to tyrannize. 
Everybody knew in Colonial times that the South was too 
smart for the North, yet they never practiced scheming or un- 
fairness. Four of the first five Presidents were Virginians. 

The North could not endure the honors of "The Sword, 
the Pen, the Tongue" being ascribed to the Southern peo- 
ple, though their ambitions ran in the direction of grabbing 
and hoarding, rather than in excellence. The ever greedy 
and covetous spirit amassed great fortunes for them, and they 
did not shirk to use all sorts of strategy and ingenuity to ef- 
fect this end, which was beneath the gentlemen of the South. 

After eighty years of success by their opponents they 
grew madly envious. The many early tariff disputes and 
falsified compromises were only specious pretexts for antag- 
onism. The Republican party undertook to put down all op- 
position with a high-hand, which in itself was most conflicting 



Result of the War 177 

with State Rights, of which true hearted Americans were as 
proud as of the Union itself. 

I believe the result has been a more complete victory to 
the South than a more successful clash of arms could have 
achieved. Others than the Southern people may yet realize 
the bitter absence of confidence and kindness. No adminis- 
tration can be other than unsound to the core, where no mu- 
tual good-will exists. It was predicted, by great thinkers, that 
nothing short of standing armies would keep the South in 
the Union ; not only on social and political grounds of an- 
tagonism, but because the contest was waged after a fashion 
unknown to the world of civilization. They misunderstood 
the South as much as the instigators of the war, and those 
who accused her of rebellion against the Union. 

One is made to wonder how the Southern people could so 
readily overlook the meanness of those arrayed against them. 
I do not speak of open warfare, or stricken fields, or fruitless 
slaughter, but of bitter blows by the ways, such as humanity 
can not easily forget or forgive, and of passions roused such as 
rankle for generations after. 

See who they are who threaten to quell the insurrection 
with the strong hand. An unreasonable multitude which can 
hardly be looked upon as a nation, for it mingles all the blood 
of Western Europe, doggedly pursuing, yet strangely apa- 
thetic when a crisis is imminent ; easily discouraged, prone to 
distrust, divided by political jealousies, possessed of a com- 
mercial caculation and peculiarly open to the temptations of 
the almighty dollar. These men are fighting for a positive 
gain. 

On the other side see a real distinct nation numerically 



178 The Unwritten South 

small, in whose veins the Anglo-Saxon blood flows almost un- 
tainted. Rich men casting down their gold, strong men cast- 
ing down lives as if both were dross, in the cause they have 
sworn to win. 

See white men enduring hardships that slaves would have 
raged at, without a whispered murmur. Hear gentle and 
tender women echo in simple earnestness the words which 
only a Southern lady can utter, *T hope my boys may die in 
the front and be buried in the plantation before there is peace 
on any other terms than our own rights." Reverses seem only 
to drive them on and intensify their resistance. Only for liberty 
which they believe to be right by birth are they fighting. 

These Southern people have always had the utmost confi- 
dence in the reward of justice. 

Who is there that does not rejoice with them to-day that 
their once bloody valleys are again prolific and their beautiful 
hills dotted with new and prosperous cities and towns, and 
their fine natural resorts so well patronized? For them the 
sun is shining, which was for a time behind the clouds. Do we 
hear of their being disturbed any more? Are they not quietly 
under their own vine and fig tree as per agreement with Grant ? 

What of the negro as to equality ? 

Go South and see the separate cars for blacks ; no inter- 
ference by the government in the state where cases of peonage 
are reported. Without an exception these cases have been 
dealt with as they deserved. The intense sympathies of the 
North, as manifested by the war, have never developed a 
need of same in the great South-land. Strange, indeed, that 
such a charge should have been raised against a people almost 
incapable of cruelty. Inequality is charged as injustice, but 



Result of the War 179 

why should it be any more cruel to make the negroes ride in 
their cars, than the white people in theirs? Let it be an- 
swered, why it is unjust in the one case and not in the other. 

What has become of the tender mercies of the North that 
the thunders of labor are unnoticed? 

After all, the North has always had slavery, worse in its 
proportions than the South has had. I remember hearing the 
report of one of our old substantial citizens, after returning 
from a trip to Massachusetts and Connecticut. This gentle- 
man was looking through some of the factories up there with 
one of the managers, when dinner hour was announced, and 
all hands stopped for dinner. The manager said to the Mary- 
lander, Mr. Andrew Rentch, "Well, we will go to dinner !" and 
took a different direction from the laborers. Mr. Rentch re- 
marked, ''why what of the men?" "O," said the manager, 
''they do not eat with us ; we could not manage them if we 
boarded them in our house. They eat over there in the 
shanty!" "O, I see," said Mr. Rentch, "you have white slaves 
and we have black ones, and yours are the more servile, for 
we do let them eat out of the same pot, and you don't!" 

Some of the Northern people really didn't think, at time 
of the war, that a Southern slave-holder was altogether human, 
but conceived him to be some sort of a cross-breed, unknown 
elsewhere in the world. 

I remember an amusing incident which occurred after the 
battle of Antietam, at Bakersville, in the home of Dr. Grimes, 
the old family physician of that section. There was a wounded 
officer taken in by the Doctor and administered to, when his 
wife came on after hearing of his condition, to see him and 
take him home. They were from New Hampshire, I think. 



i8o The Unwritten South 

Before leaving, the lady remarked to the Doctor that while 
here, she wished to see three things, *'a slave, a slave-holder, 
and a slave's house or quarter." The Doctor said, ''Well, 
madam, we can accommodate you right here !" 

They walked out on the porch, and the first person they 
saw was old Uncle Jake going by the gate on horse-back. The 
Doctor called to him to come there, when he rode up the lane 
to them. "Where are you going Uncle?" asked the Doctor. 
Uncle Jake replied that he "ought not ask him such hard 
questions ; he was only going down to Nancy Bowers' to get 
himself a drink, as he didn't feel so good." Nancy Bowers 
kept a saloon a couple of miles down the road along the Chesa- 
peake and Ohio Canal. 

"Now, madam," said the Doctor, "there is a slave !" 

"Oh, nonsense. Doctor, I am not for a joke now, I am in 
earnest!" 

"Well," said the Doctor, "that man belongs to me ! So 
here you have a slave-holder!" 

The Doctor could not convince her until they went out to 
the quarters, and saw more darkies lying about and helping at 
the work as they were disposed. 

This lady felt herself a rebel, to be convinced that she 
and hers were interested in a war against a system so far 
ahead of their own home-land in sympathy with labor. 

It may seem strange to you, my friend, to hear a truth so 
different from what you have been taught, but in all candor, 
I hesitate not, after a thorough consideration of the matter, to 
make the bold, though self-evident assertion, that the North 
rebelled, and not the South, and have fully substantiated the 



Result of the War i8i 

same by showing that the South stood firm to their agreement 
as sworn to. 

And, again, I take the Uberty to put the test of sincerity 
and ask for any statement of apparent fairness showing any 
treasonous or untrue actions in the Southern States with re- 
gard to the point in question. I challenge the equality of the 
religious character of the leaders of the Confederacy in any 
war known in history. Lee's acceptance, as commander, was 
as follows : ''Trusting in Almighty God, with an approving 
conscience, and by the aid of those whose interests are akin, I 
consecrate my powers to the service of my State." This great 
m.an's birth was almost a miracle. After his mother had been 
seemingly dead and placed in the family vault, she came to life, 
as was discovered by the keeper. One year after her restora- 
tion, Robert E. Lee, her youngest son, was born. 

Are these people not worthy of such great credit as has 
been ascribed to them for their endurance under provocation? 
What w^ould the North be to-day had there been since the war 
but one party instead of the ceaseless vigilance of an opposi- 
tion? The Republicans have made it impossible to even hope 
for two parties in the South. There are so many negroes in 
some States that it is all they, the whites, can do when united 
to predominate. It only remains for a Republican to go South 
to have his eyes opened and to determine his course in politics, 
I care not how bitter he has been. 

The experience of an old veteran of the South, given in 
simplicity and sincerity so peculiar to them, will convince any 
one, at least of the honesty of the convictions of the people. 

To first go and enjoy their profifered hospitality is in it- 
self a volume of satisfaction. To give an adea of the diflfer- 



1 82 The Unwritten South 

ence in this respect of the people in the border states, the one, 
as against the other, will give some experience actually real- 
ized while canvassing the territory. In states north of the line 
you will be met at the door rather reluctantly, and if near meal 
time there will be the greatest care that the sound of dishes 
is not heard lest you are supposed to be induced to tarry longer 
than you otherwise would. Every one is suspicioned as ready 
to accept a meal gratis. In Maryland you will notice the shade 
of improvement toward respectable hospitality, when you will 
be asked whether you have been to dinner, and if not and you 
are inclined to accept, whether for remuneration or otherwise, 
you will be invited to remain and join the family, and mostly 
feel welcome. In Virginia you will not be given a chance to get 
away until you have seen the family, and should the family be 
through with their meal you will shortly be informed that your 
dinner awaits you without even asking you whether you have 
had dinner. You cannot help seeing the real delight of being 
able to prevail upon you remaining with them for even a longer 
time. 

It has often occurred to the writer of these lines that per- 
haps the real object of the cruel war was to neutralize the ex- 
tremes of this great country and produce a happy means be- 
tween the two. The South most assuredly had come to make 
too much of this life, and were too listless with regard to 
ambition and success in business, thus losing much that their 
intelligence might produce for those that Avere incapable of 
making the earth bring forth two ears where only one existed 
before. 

How little this savors of evil as compared with the gross 
and flagrant expositions of decided crime in scheming and 



Result of the War 183 

conspiring to grind the last farthing out of the consumer. 
Ask the commercial travelers of to-day who see the people. 

No man is so hard and harsh as to lack appreciation of 
this subtle and felicitous influence South. Dare we ever look 
for a happy union of Vulcan and Venus in the future of our 
Nation ? Then indeed shall the war not have been in vain. 

But what of the cost of such a union? 

The North must yet be suppressed, and again recover, if 
it is to fill its part of such a mission. Already the North has 
had her day. The very means filched from the South at time 
of war^ the impositions of monstrous tariffs in favor of their 
section, and the enormous appropriations, and the thousands 
of office holders, with the ever vigilant and greedy spirit which 
for a time made the North gloat with prosperity, has been made 
to develop and expand the South by building railroads and 
booming cities and making cheap homes for the natives of 
the South. Innumerable cases can be given where men in- 
vested their all from the North, borrowing all they could get 
from friends, and left it all in some relaxing city, giving those 
of little means opportunity to purchase depreciated homes 
at their own price. 

Careful statistics show that on an average in New Eng- 
land there is but one church in every sixteen square miles. 
Many churches are abandoned every year, and lots of factories 
are yielding to the more favorable locations of the South, since 
electricity has supplanted water power. 

Great indeed shall be the humiliation of the North when 
it realizes that a nation exalting itself shall be abased. The 
appearances are of a tendency toward the end already, as I 
view affairs. The idea of Monarchy and Imperialism have 



184 The Unwritten South 

been sifted and examined and have been proven inadequate, 
which never could have occurred had the South gained the 
war. Hence if one is ahowed so much ideahsm all has been for 
the best. If the South liberated the slaves which would have 
been done in a few years, there would be no outlet for the 
negro to-day, and he would be a burden upon the South indeed. 

The Northern Cities are being flooded with them now, and 
the amendments forbid opposing his going there. 

Again Davis having been of such high ideas and dignified 
bearing, as the result of the success of the South, it might 
have lost much of its sweetness in an aristocracy. Moses you 
know was not allowed to go into the promised land, but another 
took up his work and completed it. I have above referred to a 
similar case in the history of our independence. No one man 
has ever been allowed to champion a great cause alone. Prin- 
ciples never die, though they are often slow in maturing. 

When the compromise was made between Lee and Grant 
at the end of the strife, though the Republicans howled for a 
time, until Grant declared he would resign unless his terms 
were granted, all should have accepted it as the most favorable 
termination possible. 

Let no one criticize the end until the end be present. 
But let us not allow injustice and unfairness to exist with a 
high hand and thus encourage evil. Let us labor to hasten a 
reconciliation, which is contingent upon a thorough under- 
standing. 

The South is now safe. The sinew and muscle of her 
young men have been developed in proportion to their heart 
and head. 

Truly it is the better part of wisdom to accept Providential 



Result of the War 185 

orderings, different from our choosing, when they come. The 
bitter hull may have the sweetest kernel. 

Human nature is the same all the world over, to a degree 
at least. How hard a thing it must have been for the South to 
be on the eve of despair, when she knew she was right, and no 
one attempting to disprove her position. No wonder Lee so 
willingly accepted such terms, as gave back to the South all 
that caused her to fight, and as Grant allowed her to dictate. 

The newspapers falsified the conditions of the surrender, 
or compromise, no less than all the important events of the 
abolitionist's reign. Grant never said he demanded uncondi- 
tional surrender. That was the voice of the hot heads who 
never fought any, and didn't know with what tenacity the 
Confederates stuck to their birth rights, and what a hot time 
they had been making for the Yankee masses. 

As said before. Grant sought Lee and asked him to sur- 
render, when Lee inquired what conditions he had to offer, 
and when such terms were offered as given above, and as were 
accepted. 

But to hasten on ; how distressing to see in the North 
and West, the mixture of the races, and the decrease of ne- 
groes despite the constant influx from the South. You will 
find many mulattoes throughout the South too, but inquire 
the age of nearly all of them and see whether they were not 
born in the 6o's ; and, if so, where will you locate their par- 
entage ? 

How deeply mysterious are the many avenues into which 
one is led when sitting down to reflect upon the whole matter 
of negro franchise. One would suppose that after forty years 
some one should have cornered the conundrum and satisfac- 



1 86 The Unwritten South 

torily disposed of the old thing. But, alas ! after all, what has 
been gained by the war for the negro, as distinct from the 
white race ; or rather what w^as lost ? 

No fuller expression could possibly be given to the world 
with regard to the physical and constitutional relationship of 
the two races. 

Do you perceive any social recognition existing lately as 
over against the era, prior to the war ? 

Do white folk eat, sleep, drink and associate with the 
negroes without distinction? 

If not, why not ? 

Is it not in the line of duty, or is the North in anyway 
justified in scorning the negro because it favored his franchise? 

A secret order represented in almost all of the States de- 
cided to hold a convention in the far South. Some of the men 
of the far North said they did not like to go South to see the 
cruel treatment of the poor negroes, but were finally prevailed 
upon to go, and when they came among the negroes they be- 
gan to take hasty sniffs of the redolent atmosphere adjacent 
and pronounced it rather obnoxious. Do they all have that 
odor, said they to their comrades? then we don't care for any 
more of their company, if you please. 

For fear you will accuse me of criticising, I will not charge 
the North with hypocrisy, but allow you to draw conclusions. 

Do you hear of respectable people marrying their sons to 
African daughters ? 

Let God in His wisdom settle all this, but let us, above all 
things, be sincere. 

Is it not natural and scriptural too, that we shall reap 
what we sow? 



Result of the War 187 

Shall we wait longer for some one of the merciful brethren 
of the North to come out squarely and start off with honest 
purpose and take to wife a colored mate. I mean some man 
of distinction. Now can such a thing create a surprise or 
comment? Then may the Lord have mercy upon the cowardly 
advocates of equality, and of duty toward those who are in- 
ferior, simply because they have been given no chance. 

Who is to give them the chance? 

Why are the Yankees so rank for equality for the negro 
civilly, and not socially, as facts prove. Is not the negro just 
a little inferior after all and all, bro' Republican ? 

I remember being in an argument with a friend upon the 
subject of negro equality, and as a real test I asked him 
whether he would allow his daughter to marry a negro? He 
replied that if she choose to he should not object, but added, 
that she would not choose to. Then, said I, why will she not 
choose to do a thing so consistent? Perhaps after another 
forty years he shall be able to reply. If there appears to the 
reader an uncharitableness in this statement, be it remembered 
that to simply differ is not criminal, if honestly done. I for 
one am proud of my convictions. 

The object of law, either regular or lynch-law, is not to 
punish criminals but to prevent crime. Roosevelt recommends 
lynch-law for horse stealing; this may be too strong, but of 
one thing we are certain, that the more horrible the penalty 
the less frequent the crime. So that if the Southern people 
love their families and regard chastity, they cannot ignore the 
most violent means of punishing those who comniit criminal 
assault. How many lives are made miserable by the dread of 
such possibility. 



i88 The Unwritten South 

I have often bothered no little to contrive why the North- 
ern people are so set upon elevating the negro in the South, 
whilst they will not contribute a nickel toward the relief of the 
millions in Africa. Is it not unadulterated prejudice to which 
they hold so persistently? Race hatred is hurled at the South 
for honestly stating that they cannot sink to the level of the 
negro, and for dealing so harshly with the brutish criminals as 
to lynch them. The distinction is race favor, and not race 
hatred. If the white people are to be supreme in the land, the 
negro must be subordinated, which is for his ultimate good. 

Let not the North be upbraided if she has done well, and 
let not the South be blessed if she has done wrong. 

If the South opposed the franchise of the negro and the 
North favored it, and it has been well done, then surely let 
the North have the credit for such beneficence toward the 
South and the negro. But if perchance it should turn out 
that the negro has not been benefited, and the North has not 
proven herself sincere and wise in practicing her doctrine, 
what shape must her dogma assume ? 

Behold those who have left the North for Southern homes 
have abandoned their first love. Surely this has not come 
about by teaching and preaching of the South. No language 
has power like patience and endurance. 

Is it not a marvel that the South allowed the North to 
come into her midst and take up habitation with her when all 
is considered relative to the cause and progress of the war. 

But nothing has done more to convince the world of the 
magnanimity of the Southern people, and give them power to 
keep above the rising millions of negroes, and to convert the 



Result of the War 189 

Northern population, than the unanimous respect for clean and 
wise State laws throughout the South. 

These converts from the North are the men who lead the 
mobs in defence of the laws, for the most part, but not in de- 
fiance of laws, as preached in th*e North. These mobs are 
moved by the purest motives that have ever stirred men's 
bosoms. Be it said in defence of the lynchings in the South, 
that they have not a different object in view from the regular 
law, but the same. Yet we hear of no remonstrance from the 
North, as to the evil demanding such measures of violence. 
Sympathy for the victims of these brutes is never once men- 
tioned. The guilty upheld, and the innocent ignored. The 
equality of the negro here is an abnormal condition brought 
about by a political mob, producing a case which can only be 
met by a mob. The subject of a lynching is treated like a 
mad dog or a viper snake, because chances of his escape and 
further damage cannot be risked in view of its enormity. It is 
love and sympathy that expresses itself in such drastic meas- 
ures under the conditions, and not race hatred as is charged. 
It is not the victim in revenge against the outlaw but those who 
love the unfortunate. Love is a justifiable motive for almost 
anything. The law cannot express sympathy. Better that one 
negro suffer innocently than a thousand women. Shame on the 
man who says he could tolerate lynch law for horse stealing, 
but not for anything else. 

Negroes do not read court proceedings. They can only 
be taught the lesson by sight, that summary death shall be 
dealt to him who commits a criminal assault upon a white 
woman. 

Let him who does not love his wife or sister or mother op- 



IQO The Unwritten South 

pose the most effectual method of teaching this fact to the 
negro. 

Thus the thing shall continue until the order is reversed 
as taught by abolitionism, viz. : That better should every 
woman and child of the South be slain, than that the negroes 
should be urged to work for their living and care, and clean- 
liness, instead of eating one meal a day and raiding upon hen 
roosts at night. 

The North with all of its boasting with regard to econ- 
omy of tactics, has been most abusive of its laws, in allowing 
forty years to pass without an acknowledgment of a single 
identification of the race. O, what a waste. In plain view 
of all honesty. It evidently becomes some brotherly section, 
or nation, to enforce the duty upon the North, of managing 
and amalgamating the races there. The last condition of the 
negro is most certainly worse than the first, so to where will 
they shift the blame? 

But one grows sick of enumerating the atrocities prac- 
ticed by this Republican party, which can only claim any 
credit at all, for what it has been driven to do by the close 
tread of Democracy upon its heels. Reforms are never offered 
excepting when the chances of the party are doubtful. 

The Republicans do not in reality claim to have gained 
anything by the war. As shown, they are no nearer to the 
negro than before, and as to consolidation and Imperialism, 
and radicalism, their attempts are as vigorous, and as frequent 
as ever. 

In the conservative old State from which I write, at the 
Antietam Cemetery, Sharpsburg, Md., was practiced the most 
bitter and unjust measure yet recorded along this line. I 



Result of the War 191 

knew Lewis P. Fiery personally, who framed and offered the 
bill in the Legislature for an appropriation for a cemetery on 
Antietam battle field, being prompted by seeing dead men's 
bones along the pike as he passed. He told me that he ex- 
plicitly set forth in the bill, which passed, that it should be 
for Northern and Southern soldiers alike. 

The rebels, as they were called, were not allowed to be 
buried there, and the few which had been placed there had to 
be removed, and an extra appropriation made later for a sec- 
tion in Rose Hill, at Hagerstown, of $5,000. Right stiff for 
a State which never seceded? But force bills, protection to 
campaign leaders in various mercantile business, etc., have 
been rife. 

Only the qualifying effect of the conservative men have 
brought us on thus far. How often one hears the expression, 
"he died for his country" — implying that his opponents died 
to destroy it. 

There are, after forty years, some men who, through ig- 
norance or prejudice, believe that the South was untrue and 
really meant to destroy the Government. Can not those who 
have waited so long, wait longer to see the end of all this? 
Courage is not quarrelsome, let us hold on to our convictions, 
as did our fathers. Calhoun lay down and calmly died after 
he had uttered the most significant words that ever escaped 
the lips of any advisor : "The Constitution shall needs be 
amended when the negro has his franchise." 

Why did the Republicans demand of the Southerners an 
oath of allegiance when they had just declared that a higher 
law than the Constitution, the embodiment of their oaths, 
should govern our actions? 



192 The Unwritten South 

What a fake; for only toward the end of frightening 
the South to servitude was this set up. A higher law than 
one's oath and one's honor? One might violate his oath with 
regard to his own affairs and repent of his folly, but not con- 
cerning his neighbor without making amends. 

What of our chief executive to-day, whose lieutenants 
publicly say that the exigencies of the times warrant the ignor- 
ing of the constitution. Why doesn't Roosevelt get busy and 
find or arrest his Secretary Cortelyou, as well as Rockefeller. 
What credit is there due a "Trust Buster" when he supports 
a system which fosters trusts faster than they can be ''Busted." 
Teddy thought to get the credit before Thomas Lawson could 
succeed, who exposed the great frauds in the country. 

The charge against the South was violation of the prin- 
ciples of duty toward a general government limited and pre- 
scribed by sovereign powers, by those who scorned to recog- 
nize the sovereignty itself, to which they had sworn allegiance, 
upon the plea of a higher law. 

How disgustingly weak is the language of some of the 
historians of the North. What evidences of bitterness ema- 
nate from such sentences as 'The Union had better have been 
destroyed than that slavery should exist in the South." 

The officers of the Federal army were always elated when 
at the surrender of a fort they could report having had the 
great enjoyment of destroying much of the property and 
goods before the enemy got it. 

Let me mention the fact that the incident connecting 
Sheridan with a battle at Winchester, in which he is made to 
figure as "Little Phil, and the wonderful ride," is as much of 
a farce as Sampson's victory of Spanish-American fame. 



Result of the War 193 

There are witnesses, whose word no one dares doubt, to testify 
that Sheridan was twenty miles away at the time. 

The facts are that the Confederates drove the Yankees 
from their entrenchments at day-break and, famished as they 
were, threw down their guns to appropriate the Yankees' 
breakfast. In the meantime the Yankees seeing them dis- 
banding, reorganized and surprised the Confederates while 
eating, and of course repulsed them while Sheridan was at 
Winchester. 

If I have not called attention to the burning of Chambers- 
burg by the Confederates, I shall now do so in justice to the 
occasion. This place was burned in retaliation for a gentle- 
man's home in Virginia, near Charlestown, the victim of 
which crime was an enemy of a brother of General Thomas, 
of the Federal Army. The inference may easily be drawn as 
to who was the destroyer of this property. No excuse was 
ever given for this inhuman offense. Early, a cavalry raider, 
did the work of burning Chambersburg, and demanded a 
ransom at Frederick and Hagerstown — and had Davis or Lee 
known it in time it would not have happened, as they both 
said. 

Have you observed how closely related are the cause, 
progress, and result of the war? 

Pardon the seeming reflection upon common intelligence 
in thus putting it interrogatively. In a nut shell we have it 
proven by the latter of these stages that it was all an aim at 
Democracy, which had held sway over the country for nearly 
eighty years. 

I wish to make account of the war as its silver lining ap- 
pears. The old bulwark with her unaltered principles still 



194 The Unwritten South 

stand, and the Democracy is neither dead nor asleep, as the 
energy of RepubHcanism wiU demonstrate. 

Let me here predict, as my turn at guessing, that when 
Repubhcanism has only the name of an experiment to identify 
it. Democracy shall be young and in power. 

Like the people who wanted a king, and Saul was given 
them, so were the Republicans allow^ed a trial of rule to their 
discomfiture, sooner or later. 

Has it ever occurred to you, my friend, that we as a nation 
have since the war, in a sense, been under martial rule? 

Have we not had soldier Presidents who knew but little, 
including their knowledge of fighting? 

The aim of the Republican party has been to honor the 
heroes of the war, which undeserved escutcheon is applied to 
those who intrigued and plundered most, and appropriated the 
most prizes and rewards for debauchery and depredation. If 
such were heroes, who have only been successful in injuring 
our nation instead of benefiting it, as is evident on every 
hand now, surely he who by one fell stroke, delivered the 
whole nation from the jaws of tyranny and subjugation, thus 
conferring a universal blessing, deserves at the hands of those 
who are capable of appreciating such able and philanthropic 
service the sincerest and most partial gratitude and favor. I 
refer to the famous defeat of the Force Bill in the Senate 
of the United States by A. P. Gorman, of Maryland. 

What wt have escaped by such service, as just referred 
to, may be seen more fully by reflecting upon the reign of 
terror and oppression in the South, backed up by the United 
States army for ten years after the civil war. 

In some States every county in the State was under mar- 



Result of the War 195 

tial law ; the enormity of which can scarcely be realized at 
this late day ; the negroes, and the most incapable ones, being 
the court in most cases. 

In North Carolina there existed, by executive appoint- 
ment, over two hundred trial officers who could not read or 
write. Yes, North Carolina, the glorious old State that de- 
clared herself independent of Great Britain one year before the 
Convention adopted the same. I refer to the Mecklenburg Dec- 
laration in 1775. No citizen was safe from violence. No won 
der many of the boys of the South left home and country for 
Canada and France and other countries, almost disgusted with 
existence. 

At the close of the war the indebtedness of the seceded 
States was $87,000,000. During the ten years of negro rule 
it was increased by $30,000,000. 

School funds were divided among the negro legislators : 
millions were issued in bonds to aid railroad corporations and 
not one foot was ever built. In two years not a public school 
was opened in the State, in some cases. 

In Mississippi alone, six and a half million acres of land 
were confiscated, most of which was given to the negroes. 

In 1877 Hayes withdrew the army, and negro government 
melted away, unsupported by the bayonet, at once. The dis- 
satisfaction of the country, as evinced by the Tilden-Hayes 
election, demanded this. You see this was a greater calamity 
to the South than the war. "But, all is well that ends well." 

The negro is no more fit, after forty years, to cast his 
vote than then. 

Only by this means could the North have gotten the con- 
fidence of the negro and induced him to leave his master at all, 



196 The Unwritten South 

But what of later, when it was found that the government 
did not intend to continue their support? 

Then it was that the negro discovered his last condition 
to be worse than the first. Booker Washington admits that 
there was too much teaching the negroes to hate their masters. 

What patience and perseverance it required to array only 
the younger negroes to betray their masters. Many pathetic 
accounts are given of the devotion and attachment of old 
negroes to their masters. Mr. Joseph Kausler, of Hagerstown, 
Md., tells of returning to his home in Tennessee, after an ab- 
sence of eighteen years, whereupon an old ''Auntie" of hi'^ 
father's household, and who later became his faithful servant, 
met him and threw her arms around his neck and kissed him. 

Mr. Kausler knew that it was pure and clean, and could 
not resent it. Some lookers on mockingly asked, ''How often 
has he whipped you, Auntie?" 

"Whipped me ! whipped me !" she said. "I whipped 
him many a time when he was bad, as his mother told me to 
do." 

Secretary Root, in a speech in New York, admitted some 
years ago that the franchise of the negro was a failure, which 
the country has to face — the failure to teach them the compe- 
tency to enjoy it. 

Let it be known, as not existing in the Northern histories, 
that the Constitutional amendments, whereby the negro was 
allowed his political rights, were never passed by three-fourths 
majority as required by the Constitution. Military power did 
this also, and not regular adoption. Lately Florida has had 
the bravery to announce to the world that the franchise of the 
negro was a forced measure. 



Result of the War 197 

With all the pretended philanthropy of the North to- 
wards the negro is it not strange that there were never any 
attempts made to punish the cruelty to slaves so often referred 
to. Does not this fact itself cast very much doubt upon the 
matter. You know there are laws prohibiting cruelty to 
animals. 

The franchise of the negro and the imposition upon 
society of the degradation of the race only remains as an 
ill to the South from the effects of the war. How shall it be 
met? May he who tempers the wind to the shorn lambs soon 
bring about some cause that will banish all danger of the hor 
rors of the brutish passions of the unfettered wretches. 

At present the brightest hope that illumes the future hori- 
zon is the sure and certain tendency of these lawless villains 
towards the homes of those who have all along cried morals 
and mercy. Yes, those who pretend to obey the promptings 
of humanity, without limitations, have no use for law as they 
had no use for the Constitution. In what respect do such 
differ from those who disregard the laws of Divine revelation, 
in scorning the obligations of the church and matrimony. 
Such things are only laws. Is one under greater obligation to 
keep his marriage vows? 

Alas ! when the day of visitation comes upon the North- 
land of our once glorious country, and come it must. Many 
are viewing its time in the distance already, and attempting 
their escape. 

What could more befittingly mock their calamities than 
is evinced at present, by living monuments in the persons of 
anti-corruption negroes lecturing them for bringing upon our 



198 The Unwritten South 

brave and free land such an ordeal as was never desired nor 
asked for by the negro race. 

Is the poor negro to be sacrificed for the salvation of our 
land? 

By whom shall he have been betrayed and delivered? 

When did interference with the negro's condition begin? 

Only when the Northern slave-dealers could no longer 
sell the South negroes. When slave selling and buying were 
rapidly on the decrease in America, with a decided aim to total 
destruction. 

How long did the war last which was waged for the negro 
as pretended? 

Just the term of the Presidency. 
, Why did it not last longer? 

It was not needed, as the President was elected for four 
years. 

Why could the fanatics of the North not give such terms 
to the South as was allowed later? 

It w^ould not have effected the end desired, viz. : To secure 
the negro vote. 

Have the Republicans then gained their object by the 
war — that of consolidation? 

Alas, for them, that Lincoln should have died. 

Has not this very thing been their supreme effort ever 
since ? 

What of their success ? 

Consult the tactics of their platforms since in power. 

Do you remember Tilden's election to the Presidency? 

How vividly I recall an incident which occurred in 
Hagerstown, from which place I write, as the returns came in 



Result of the War 199 

like a thunder shock to the Republicans. They were not in 
shape to accept the change, and they simply couldn't allow 
it. 

I reckon the Republicans are about the same everywhere, 
so will only describe the temper of the party here in Hagers- 
town, Md., when the sudden news flashed upon them. The 
leaders of the party, including editors and managers of the 
county organs, banded together a lot of negroes with shot 
guns and revolvers, and staying far enough in the rear, charged 
them up Washington street from the Public Square, to rout 
the Democrats, who were still yelling like wild, some of said 
leaders just having received a serenade from the Democrats. 
This gang of negroes opened fire upon the exultant Demo- 
crats at the old Washington House (now Baldwin), but no 
sooner, however, did this occur than the fire was returned by 
those who had revolvers with them, and by a charge of canes 
and fists which in a jifify routed the negroes. 

There were only three shot, I believe, two negroes and 
one white man, none seriously; but one was reminded of a 
lively skirmish for a few minutes. There were marks of shot 
and bullet in the houses next day. But for the glare of the 
light from the hotel, as against the darkness where the negroes 
stood, it would have been a more disastrous termination to 
the negroes doubtless. The writer of this will never forget 
how near he came to shooting a Democrat just as he came 
into the light from across the alley. "My God, don't shoot 
any more here, you can't see which the negroes are," said he. 
"Better let them have the street than to shoot one Democrat." 
But the negroes were hopping back then and were soon out of 
sight. A friend and myself had to go nine miles into the 



200 The Unwritten South 

country over the road by which the negroes came up, and only 
one revolver. Some of the citizens advised us of the danger 
of venturing out that night, but with revolver in hand and 
cocked we went, though only two chambers remained loaded 
after the skirmish, out of seven. We were not molested, nor 
even saw a negro on our way, and reached home at two o'clock. 
I remember ringing the farm bell furiously, waking up the 
family, including a Republican friend, who was on a visit at 
home, the only one who could not relish the sudden interrup- 
tion any more than the announcement itself. 

For two days the majorities went back, and behold Mr. 
Hayes was elected. This scare took the army out of the 
South, anyway. The Governor of South Carolina, General 
Wade Hampton, w^as elected and they counted him out too, 
but he didn't stay out. 

Now I fear I have tired your patience with what might 
have been said by an apter hand in a much shorter compass. 
But now, little remains to finish my purpose, yet all that has 
been said in the former sections only led to this last, and more 
significant part of my task. 

The idealistic notions of the American people are as often 
upset as realized. We are prone to jump at conclusions. 
The sad and cruel war w^hich passed over our beloved land 
because of unreasonable and envious men of might, has not 
been wdthout its corresponding good. The Lord has made 
the wrath of man to praise Him. 

The cause, so long termed the ''Lost Cause," has in the 
course of events turned out to be loss and failure to the aggres- 
sors, admxittedly. 

What has the South gained? 



Result of the War 201 

Why, the power to disfranchise the negro again without 
consulting her former enemies. 

What has the North lost ? 

Lost all it has attempted, but to impose a race of blacks 
upon society — not the government of the South — and the right 
of might to hold out a little longer perhaps against the rising 
indignities of the peasantry of the land, who have so long fed 
and clothed them, and murmured not at the unfair and unjust 
treatment of the usurpers and combinations. 

What has the North done worthy of credit? 

Only that which it had to do or die. 

What has the South done? 

With the existence of only one party, as above stated, she 
has improved almost incredibly and remained uncorrupted. 

Stop, O, stop and think ; in all reason wdiat should be 
the condition of rule to-day in the North, had the Republican 
party been allowed uninterrupted control? 

Where are honor, and truth, and sincerity, among them? 

Sincerity ! Does their relations to the poor negro show 
it? 

An evidence of sincerity would be for the North to say to 
their dusky brethren of the South, come up here away from 
those cruel people, and we will love you back to your true 
position socially for we are all one blood. God did make all 
of one blood, and also made all good and after His image, 
but all did not remain so. Ham's posterity was certainly ac- 
cursed. What a shameful pretense for the Northern people to 
insist upon crowding their children into schools with negroes, 
but refuse to share their church pews and their sitting rooms 
with the negroes. They say, however, that the negro is rapidly 



202 The Unwritten South 

advancing. Does it mean that next year or year after all this 
will be allowed ? 

Sincerity ! Then let them make some attempt to prove 
Jeff Davis and General Lee traitors, as has been intimated and 
implied. 

All know now that Davis was not caught skulking in a 
woman's dress, as was so odiously circulated. 

All know now that Lee did not surrender unconditionally, 
as was so falsely asserted, whilst the authorities were howling 
at the opposite truth, viz. : That he had been allowed such 
terms. 

All know now that Lincoln was a very sympathetic some- 
body, be this said to his great credit, which he learned by 
bitter experience at his home; being driven from home by the 
man who married his mother — and being obliged to drive 
mules, barefooted, on the canal for a living — and glad to 
have that to do. 

Doubtless Lincoln at first believed the reports circulated 
for policy sake, concerning the condition of the negro in the 
South. But his means of operation show plainly that his 
sympathy with those whom he supposed were being cruelly 
treated, w^as all that could be commended in him. Honor and 
truth and law did not enter his conscience, or those w^ho 
prompted him to act. If readable, I could give many low 
jokes of which he was the author. How revolting to hear such 
things of the President of the United States, as an incident 
evinces which occurred at Antietam battlefield. It most em- 
phatically occurred that when McClellan stopped to point out 
the place where 800 of their brave fellows were laid away, as 
a party including Lincoln rode over the field, Lincoln scarcely 



Result of the War 203 

looking at the place said, ''McClellan, have you ever heard 
Major P. sing Old Dan Tucker?" McClellan shook his head 
in evident sorrow, and Lincoln insisted upon the Major sing- 
ing for McClellan. 

Now, to sum up, what have we? 

Does not the whole thing resolve itself into this, that the 
advocates of the measures adopted to boom the war, were 
driven to their last resort when Seward conceived the mon- 
strous announcement that "there was a higher law than the 
Constitution"? They do not deny that they violated the Con- 
stitution in the very attempt to deprive the States of their 
rights, without ever attempting to amend the same, and finally 
amended the Constitution by military powers, and by much 
less majority than the Constitution required. 

What of our civilization if there is a higher obligation 
than one's oath to be true, than one's reputation for honor and 
faithfulness ? 

Can one betray his trust and demand favor again? 

Does the North lay claim to sincerity touching the insti- 
gation of the war ? Then let them make the statement. 

Does it deserve any rights under the Constitution which 
it has so signally ignored and abused? If so upon what 
ground ? 

Does it, after time for reflection and coolness, still claim a 
higher law as their motive than their oath and honor? 

We are waiting still to see their defense. 

It does not become us to criticise the past, nor to predict 
the future, nor have we such motive in writing these lines ; 
only let us wait and see. 

The truth is certainly worth maintaining; nay, its estab- 



204 The Unwritten South 

lishment is obligatory upon every one, and can only be opposed 
by cowardice and jealousy. 

Let it be stoutly held that the great affliction through 
which the Southern people were called to pass was not the 
consequence of their inheriting negro slaves from their fathers, 
who have passed away without any compunctions for having 
been the owners of slaves, under all the circumstances. 

Go see whether the franchise of the negro has been a boon 
to him. 

No, the evil of the South, as I conceive it, was its genial, 
listless tenure, and its proud reverence for its laws and its 
statesmen. The tendency was to classification and superiority. 

The scourge of the war, if I should be allowed to use 
judgment, was to prevent evil, rather than to punish evil. 

The grand old South stands today without any implication 
of dishonor from any section of the States or combination of 
such sections. 

The reproach following the rebellious efforts of the South 
against usurped authority has been only a foolish sentiment 
kept alive by the plotting politicians for policy's sake. West 
Virginia seceded from the old State and no objections were 
raised. Cuba seceded from Spain and no objections were 
raised by the loyal advocates. Panama seceded from Colombia 
— no objections, but hearty co-operation. The secession of the 
Southern States is the only instance connected with the his- 
tory of our country, in which rebellion has been looked upon 
with reproach, and yet it is the only instance in which the 
people acted upon the constituted authority of reserved rights. 

What more remains to be said of interest upon the sub- 
ject? It would be useless to give in detail the grumbling dis- 



Result of the War 205 

turbances in the labor Hne, breaking out in strikes, and mobs 
all through the Northern States. Of course, you hear of such 
things in the South, but you have only to investigate, as in the 
Richmond Street Railway Company, to find the corporation 
existing in the North. The South believes in the motto, "Live 
and let live." 

Now, after what has been said, you are only asked to 
compare statements as given to observe a wide difference. 

I have not noted specially any of the many points of 
difference, but they are plainly apparent to a casual reader, and 
it will be worth any one's time who values the truth to investi- 
gate. 

You will see at once that there can be no policy in over- 
coloring the points given after so long a time, and after things 
are so far on toward settling themselves. On the other side 
the w^hole plan of work has been a system of policy. Every 
one knows the history of all this in order to be popular and 
pay the publisher needs to be bright for the so-called winning 
side. It must savor of the exaggerated style of Uncle Tom's 
Cabin, whose author could tell you different things from those 
she wrote for her bread and butter. Mrs. Stowe on her death- 
bed bitterly repented of the influence of her book in helping 
on the war by its misrepresentations. 

Be not content with the promptings of the old adage, 
"When ignorance is bliss 'tis folly to be wise." 

How little the people of the North understood the disposi- 
tion of the negroes. They craved no equal rights. They 
only lived when allowed to dance and hunt away the time. The 
slaves of the days prior to the sixties made most of life. The 
peasantry of no country were ever as happy. They could lie 



2o6 The Unwritten South 

down at night without a care in the world. They are entirely 
out of their province when responsibility is placed upon them. 
It will ever be found as impossible to change the negro into 
the customs and habits of the white man as to make a horse 
out of a mule. 

Let us not presume to be wiser than God. 

No wonder that the great pending problem of the age is 
the race question. 

What better solution of the whole affair presents itself 
than colonization of the negro? At least those without em- 
ployment or property. 

If this is at all practicable it will prove the alternative 
to prevent his extermination, I predict. 

If as stated, the South is responsible for, and it has been 
an injury to the negro that he is here, what argument can be 
advanced to refute the fact that he should be returned to his 
native land. Almost any of our older citizens know of the 
experiments made to send the negroes to Liberia with their 
freedom, some of whom agreed to contribute $ioo annually to 
this purpose, and that it proved a failure, the negroes coming 
back declaring they had rather be here in slavery. 

This appears more plausible and practical than for the 
white man to give up his civilization and free institutions, 
which have cost him so much. As a fair proposition to any 
who may still pretend to approve of a cultivation of closer re- 
lationship with the negro, after a test of forty years, would 
ask where is his superiority to the Indian and the Philippino? 

If there is a superiority in Sambo, did it belong to him 
originally, or did his condition in the South tend to improve 
him ? 



Result of the War 207 

What of Africa for the home of the negro to-day, with 
some sort of supervision over him, and legislation for him, 
he may be able to appreciate. 

The test was put to the advocates of negro equality forty 
years ago, and found them lacking in the scales of defence ; 
have we any expression of sentiment in this time by which we 
may judge of their devotion to the principle? In an impor- 
tant city of Maryland at the time of the passage of the Equal 
Rights Bill, the following conflab took place between a young 
negro who had been going to school, and just coming of age 
to vote when the law said so, and an old one Vv^ho still knew 
how to lift his hat in the presence of his employers, which 
will serve to illustrate the difference between the two eras. 
''You see dat nice hotel right up dar/' said the younger; 
"Well, right dar I'm gwine to eat my supper the very first 
day after dis bill is passed." The older negro, who knew 
how the passage of the bill w^ould be received, said, "Ef you 
does you'll be sho to eat you breakfast in h-1. Dat's what." 

A negro woman of the older school once went North to 
visit her daughter, who was employed in the house of a wealthy 
and influential family. The visitor was taken to the table with 
the family and treated the same. After all were through eat- 
ing the host remarked to the negro, 'T reckon you were not 
used to such treatment in the South when a slave." "No, 
'deed," said she, "my old master was a gentleman." 

The fact that the negro has supported a weak minor- 
ity all this time, is directly against the fundamental prin- 
ciples of our system of government. That a few of them 
are taxed is no reason that they should be represented, un- 
less their representation is more reliable than that of the 
white men. The women can set up as plausible a demand. 



2o8 The Unwritten South 

If a larger representation insures better results, let the age of 
eligibility be i8, instead of 21. 

Dares anyone to say that the women of our fair State suf- 
fer an injustice in that they do not vote? In the Southern 
and Eastern part of the State he who deems it unjust to the 
negro to be denied equality, where he has been so trouble- 
some, has but little sense of justice toward his wife, sisters or 
daughters. If justice to the splendid women of old Mary- 
land calls for injustice to the negro, let the injustice be im- 
posed. Will some one place his mark upon the point where 
the negro ceases to be equal with the white man, if he is equal 
in civil affairs. The demand for the negro's civil equality 
was made by a party for an object; whether worthy or un- 
w^orthy will be determined, I fear, only when the demand is 
made by the negro himself, for the further right of equality 
in fact. There certainly can be no objection to a white man 
taking a negro upon an equality with himself as an individual, 
if he is sincere, but he who pretends by word of mouth to do 
that which he is not willing to do in reality, is a deceiver, 
and differs from a common criminal only in point of legality, 
and not in morality. Pardon the plainness of the statement. 
I mean no uncharitableness to the negro ; he should be recog- 
nized as one of the creatures God has made, but if it was 
ever divinely intended that he should be changed as the tad- 
pole and the butterfly, and thus be released from his uncov- 
eted condition by human agency, then I am wrong in concep- 
tion. Any other end than this is dishonest and dishonorable 
towards the negro if he is equal with the white man, or again 
I am wrong. 

What have we from Roosevelt's actions in the case of 



Result of the War 209 

Booker Washington at the Wliite House, but a rare excep- 
tion, going- to prove a set rule in the opposite direction. Sup- 
pose one white person was picked, of all the rest, for the spe- 
cial purpose of showing an extremity for policy's sake in the 
matter of deficiency and dullness, would such an exception 
not prove that the rule was altogether different. 

Strange things are always happening, and freaks of nature 
are not so uncommon but that such a thing as Booker W^ash- 
ington's superiority over his race should be among them, even 
with half white blood. 

Perhaps though I am not giving Teddy as much credit 
for sincerity as he deserves, and already some one of his chil- 
dren may be conjugally engaged to one of Washington's 
offspring. Who knows, but that ere our heads are all gray, 
the names of Booker Roosevelt, or Roosevelt Washington may 
be among those who frequent the dwelling place of their grand- 
parents, and our National Capital. 

The people of this section of Maryland will scarcely for- 
get the vain exploit of Roosevelt with Senator McComas of the 
State as they passed through the several counties, from Cum- 
berland to Frederick with- their cohorts, courting recognition 
by occasional speeches, and which demonstration was followed 
by an overwhelming defeat of the Republican party that year. 
''Wire the news to Teddy," became a byword of the exulting 
Democrats, for a time after the election. Roosevelt has never 
advocated the tactics of McComas in politics since. McComas 
was one of the supporters of the famous Force Bill, for which 
his own brother told him he would be killed politically, and 
that it ought to so serve him. 

Such an outlandish demonstration of dishonesty has not 



210 The Unwritten South 

lately been thrust upon the people as was the deceitful mvita- 
tion to Booker Washington upon the occasion referred to. I 
take no risk in making this assertion — if I am wrong it only 
needs to be shown. Let us hear of Mrs. Roosevelt entertain- 
ing alike the races in her parlors, and saluting them without 
distinction ; and Teddy making general his sociability with 
those of whom he expects so much in 1904, and he shall have 
our confidence as an honest man. But if he cannot do better 
than stomach one meal with a chosen one of the thousands of 
those who shall march to the polls in 1904 and make his 
chances all that they shall be^ what may be inferred? 

Of course if he had rather be President than to be right 
he could without violating his conscience court every prospect, 
but look out when he goes to settle with all of the boys. He 
can't "stand pat" and be aggressive too. 

Think you^ his charity will increase after the election, 
either in case of his success or failure? 

In my own State among those who shall vote for Roose- 
velt, the negroes are three-fourths. Don't you think the Re- 
publican party should be on the spur to show up the potenti- 
alities of the negro since more than forty years have gone by ? 

Indeed, it is disgustingly idle to say the least, in the ad- 
ministration, to repeatedly get up parades of battles and 
monument excitements every time an election draws near. 
The old, old, bloody shirt is flung to the breeze and the 
negroes given a stirring up to keep them in line until after 
November of every four years, and then for a while again all 
is serene. 

On the i/th of September, 1903, Teddy was at Antietam 
to tell the boys how glad he was that the rebels did not sue- 



Result of the War 211 

ceed in destroying the Union and holding the negro in thral- 
dom, but he couldn't brave to render a compliment to 
McClellan, though he was said to have won the battle, you 
know. 

The time will come when the many monuments erected to 
the Yankee dead will be monuments to the heroism of a few 
Southern States, in defending the right against the world, 
and twice coming perilously near winning. Then, for shame 
it will be a difficult matter to find one willing to admit that 
he was in the Yankee army. Roosevelt evidently has many 
good qualities notwithstanding his peculiarities. It is hoped 
that should an opportunity afford to defend the "Monroe 
Doctrine," or to mediate between nations, he will regard his 
position as an American President, rather than his disposition 
to fight, and advocate the survival of the fittest. 

Now you will say it is the old question over, prejudice 
against prejudice. How shall we ever decide in the right? 
Truly I would be very unjust and unreasonable to expect you 
to believe what I write as against what you have been taught. 
I believe, however, that you have sufficient confidence in me to 
give me credit for honesty, but shall not strain my friendship 
by insisting upon approval of what I state. I only ask that 
you go South, and am willing to abide your decision as to 
whether the people are cruel and barbarous, as intimated all 
through your histories. 

Go see what the distinguishing characteristic of the South 
is, if any, and report. 

As to the cause of the war, I can show the documents 
which have been abused and ignored, as set forth from second 
hand above. 



212 The Unwritten South 

As evidence of the spirit of the North as against oppo- 
nents, and their scheming and contriving without conscience 
to bring on discord, will refer you to the origin of the Spanish- 
American war. I need but mention that the Spanish were re- 
fused an investigation of the destruction of the Maine by 
disinterested parties. 

As to the progress of the war and our discordant views 
concerning same, I will try no less to be fair. In most cases I 
have given such evidence as personal observation is capable of 
producing. 

I will only give two instances by way of recapitulating, 
upon which you may pass judgment as compared with your 
present information. 

First, that of the battle of Antietam, upon which occasion 
you have it that the North was successful and Lee withdrew 
his army across the Potomac the night following the battle. 
Now I heard the whole battle from start to finish, and was 
within six miles of it. At the time of the engagement I was at 
work on my father's farm. It happened to be on my birthday. 
I was on the battle-field shortly after the battle. I am pre- 
pared to prove by living witnesses that all the next day after 
the battle Lee occupied the field burying their dead and look- 
ing for an attack every minute. Our house was full of friends 
from Sharpsburg for several days before the battle, who tried 
to reach their homes the day after the battle, but were advised 
to return by the Confederates, who said, "We are looking any 
minute to be at it again," which advice they took. But 
McClellan's army was all north of the Bakersville road, seven 
miles from where the battle began, and did not venture to 
renew the engagement. The next night Lee's army crossed 



Result of the War 213 

the river in perfect order, with all the booty he captured at 
Harper's Ferry. 

As stated above, the destruction of an ammunition train 
from Williamsport towards Hagerstown prevented Lee from 
pursuing McClellan, as some think, while others say Lee's 
object in entering Maryland was to replenish his stores. I 
don't think Lee would have been allowed to make aggressive 
warfare beyond the line. 

At Gettysburg Lee's forces ran out of ammunition also, 
and hence, had to desist, but with the same order which oc- 
curred at Sharpsburg, and with as much pecuniary success. 
It was falsely circulated that McClellan was in command 
on the second day by Lincoln and Seward. 

McClellan was twice taken into service and twice dis- 
charged. The Yankee forces gave up after the first day's 
fighting, but when they believed McClellan was in command 
they were newly inspired. There were forty thousand troops 
that could not be used it is said. The writer is confident that 
the Confederates had not two rounds of ammunition left, as 
he was amongst the soldiers for several days on his father's 
farm while they were waiting for the river to recede — the 
recent rains having made it impossible to cross. 

An amusing story was told by one of the soldiers as 
an experience on one of those cozy Dutch farms near Get- 
tysburg. It occurred that a plump-looking chicken came around 
as they rested near one of those small hog-pens with but one 
door, and of course rather dark within. This soldier said to his 
mate, "As we are in the enemy's country, I think I shall make 
that chicken contraband of war," whereupon he began pur- 
suit. The chicken finally darted into the hog-pen and the 



214 The Unwritten South 

soldier close behind. There happened to be an old sow in 
the pen, which of course was in a big hurry to get out from 
a panic of fright. The soldier being in a big hurry to get 
in through hope of possession was just half way in when 
the sow was just half way out, and for a time neither 
could get further. The soldier said he had to hold his feet 
up to keep them out of the old sow's mouth, and had to hold 
his head up to keep the old sow's tail out of his mouth. 

As Lee's army was the force that the Confederates were 
depending upon, the war could have been ended right there. 
But not until Lee was crossing his last men on his pontoon 
bridges did the Yankees come with a rush, pretending great 
surprise. 

The battle was so close in its results that the order for re- 
treat was given along the Yankee lines — General Doubleday's 
division was giving way when it was discovered that the Con- 
federates were falling back^ from which they did not recover. 

Why was the immense army of the North not allowed to 
push on at such a time? 

Either it was too sore after Gettysburg's battle, or that 
the Presidential election was coming near and Lincoln wished 
to be sure of a second term — most probably the latter. 

Should you wish to know more of the progress of the war 
from the writer's actual observation, will gladly render it upon 
application. 

The result, as to its terms and conditions, you will be able 
to ascertain by looking up the agreement which took place at 
Appomattox, Va., in a farm house. As to the further effects, 
you will observe them at present, and apprehend them in the 
future, as well as I can describe them or predict them. 



Result of the War 215 

Now, in conclusion, I should like to call your attention to 
one point in particular ; as your surroundings and associations 
have been such as to induce prejudice against the people who 
were the inheritors of the negroes at time of the war. It is 
this. If the South was responsible for the condition of the 
race when the war was forced upon them, and hence culpable, 
then of necessity they are also responsible for the negroes' 
condition whilst in Africa, where they ate their own offspring 
and sold them when they had opportunity. 

The change in the race by living in civilization, though 
under subjection, was for the better and not for worse, as all 
will admit. Hence, if the South is responsible for the race 
here the greater responsibility rests upon the fact that they 
should have been brought sooner. 

Doubtless you have seen statistics giving the rate of mor- 
tality among the negroes since their freedom. It is thought 
by careful and considerate men that it is only a matter of time 
until the race will become extinct. Those who do not die of 
carelessness of self in their filth, will become amalgamated 
with our race, unless they are colonized or sent back to their 
mother country. 

The South never enslaved the negro. Their own parents, 
in most cases enslaved them, selling them to slave vessels 
whenever opportunity offered. The South was the only sec- 
tion of the Union which passed laws to prohibit slaves being 
brought to our ports. 

Now look around and see whether their emancipation has 
done as much for the negroes as slavery has done. The fallacy 
of the whole system of booming the negro is in the false com- 
parison. It is assumed that the negro was originally equal in 



2i6 The Unwritten South 

every way, and that through the medium of slavery, and its 
enormity, they have been reduced to inferiority. 

The comparison justly is between the negro in a savage, 
heathenish state, and that of the white man, rather than be- 
tween a trustworthy and affectionate servant, as at time of 
war, and the white man, if the South is to bear the blame of 
the breach between the races. No nation nor clime, nor sen- 
timent, has given the negro his peculiarity of caste and con- 
stitution, and it will ever be found impracticable to remove 
them, if it should be deemed expedient to attempt to undo 
what God has done. 

The faces of the men who do not blush at what has been 
said and done by fanatics of our nation to give the Indian's 
home to the African, have no shame. Have they sympathy, 
have they charity? go to the Boers who have called in vain, 
called for bread, called for life ! 

In the name of humanity is it not time the Republican 
party was redeeming its pledges to the negro? Could the 
North expect the people of the South to come to their assist- 
ance should the negroes at any time break upon them to de- 
mand the equality so long ago promised them. The negro 
gave the Republican party its power and has now broken its 
neck. A few more appointments of the negro in the North, 
will give the Republicans enough of President Roosevelt. 

What are the mutterings so repeatedly heard along this 
line of late ? 

May it not already be a heralding forth of their rightful 
claims by the negroes. Shall they not reap deception who 
sow such things. 

The poor negro's redemption from inferiority lies not in 



Result of the War 217 

his disposition or ability to squirm and battle with what may 
seem adverse circumstances, nor in any one else's interven- 
tion for him, but rather in patience and humility, aiming to 
deserve better advantages than has fallen to his lot, if it is so 
to be. His seeking superiority will never bring it about ; 
nay, it only robs him of the respect of all who know the path 
to true worth and merit. He who mistreats a negro, because 
he is a negro, is no gentleman, plainly and unequivocally ; 
neither he wdio mistreats him by deceiving him into believing 
that charity calls for equality between the races, and yet 
scorns the idea when it comes to the test. 

Why do men halt and quibble at such critical junctures? 

What means a committee appointed by the authorities to 
gather all arguments, pro and con, concerning the race ques- 
tion and its solution ? 

Think you that it is probable the day will come when the 
existence of such a committee shall be referred to as a scan- 
dalous and fanatical outbreak, and that for shame no one will 
be found to acknowledge having had anything to do with it? 
Wait and see. Coming events cast their shadow. Such 
movements are not being perpetrated by those who have all 
along expressed their ideas in this direction, but are being 
pushed by those who are just waking to reasonable conclu- 
sions after prejudice has died a natural death. 

Talk now to an honest man who has differed with you in 
years gone by upon the subject of negro franchise, or equal 
rights, and note his reply. 

It is now generally admitted by the most strenuous party 
men that the race problem is one they are not able to solve. 



2i8 The Unwritten South 

Is this not an acknowledgment that something has gone 
wrong ? 

What remains therefore to be done is this, that the 
States must attend to this thing respectively as has been done 
in the South. 

The next Legislature of this State will pass a bill to dis- 
franchise the ignorant negro. Is it not time when 10,000 of 
them from the District of Columbia alone, vote here, to say 
nothing of the adjoining States. The best class of Republi- 
cans are no less anxious to see the negro nuisance dispensed 
with at the polls than the Democrats, for, say they, the party 
will be stronger without than with them. The older darkies 
themselves see the folly of their voting, and admit it. Lately 
two old negro women were heard loudly and openly to de- 
nounce the system. "What good is ever to come of de black 
men wotin." One said, — "You never heard of so much 
trouble among the black folks before dey got to wotin. I'se 
been a slave away down South and I neber been in any trouble 
an I ain't goin to get in trouble neider." The women folks 
get along widout wotin, so why can't de men folks. Soon 
as the black man get a wote dey think the whole world be- 
longs to 'em. Dey think if dey can wote, why can't dey do 
whatever the white folks do." 

If the representation of the negro is a fair one, of what 
avail is the added constituency, and if not fair it is a signal 
evil. Nothing has ever done more to spoil the negro. I hap- 
pened to see one of the upper crust negroes walking down 
Washington street, and pause at the corner of the Court House 
pavement as he saw a gentleman approaching, whom he 
asked to drop a letter in the box at the corner of the City 



Result of the War 219 

Hotel, diagonally across the street. The negro being well ac- 
quainted knew that at the next corner in the direction he 
was going there was another box, and the gentleman told him 
so and went on. Of course it would not have done the white 
man any harm to drop the letter in the box, but it certainly 
would have been a lasting injury to the negro, to have gained 
his point. 

It is said the Democrats would rob the negro of his rights 
by disfranchising him ; but do not the Republicans deny him 
his rights in the same sense by refusing to allow him to 
occupy a room with them at a crowded hotel, or to marry their 
daughters? Then they distinguish between right and expe- 
diency. Hence in the proper sense of the word they admit 
that only such things are right as should be right. 

I have never yet seen an attempt to show what possible 
benefit could accrue from the negroes' franchise, either to the 
negro or white man. If it is useless for the two sexes to vote, 
why not so with the races. This comparison is made on the 
Republican ground that the races are equal, and from the 
standpoint that they are willing to vote upon a measure ac- 
cording to its merits, as it concerns the whole people, and not 
as holding the balance of power, thwarting the majority, and 
supporting any evil from prejudice or selfishness that may 
arise. 

And now what a gratifying relief attends the dismissal 
of this phase of the subject in hand, viz.: the negro, and to be 
done forever with writing repulsive facts, such as teem with 
loathsome impressions and the circumstantial connections of 
unmentionable horrors. The height of hi*^ ambition shall be 
attained should the writer succeed in inspiring some cont^m- 



220 The Unwritten South 

porary to the task of defending the contrary of the foregoing 
enumerations, which have been so persistently set forth im- 
pliedly in the popular literature of the North. 

We have suffered as a nation from a power that is always 
doing and undoing, presuming and retracting. Let there be 
more adhering to ground principles than experimenting with 
such vital measures as most deeply concern the masses of the 
people. What has contributed in a larger degree to the un- 
equal distribution of wealth in the land with all of its evil 
consequences than the flagrant opportunity to do such things. 
Men have always lived sufficiently selfish and criminal to in- 
flict such evils, but have not always had the option, which, 
since begun, have been fuel to other and greater atrocities, such 
as are almost threatening our nation's life by their might. 

The greatest evil that has resulted from the monstrous 
tariff schemes and trust combinations is that the millions are 
making the measures to be lived by. 

Roosevelt fell a victim to this evil when he accepted the 
monstrous contributions to the campaign fund of 1904. If he 
really knew nothing of this when he denied it upon the charge 
of Parker three days before the election, was he not under obli- 
gations to apologize when it was proven that not Parker but 
Teddy misstated facts. 

The very principle upon which these ignominious mach- 
inations have been formed are so palpably so, that it has al- 
ways been the greatest of mysteries to me how so many peo- 
ple have been deceived so long. The very foolish idea of a 
Nation purporting to be able to continue to sell its products 
to another, and by its statutes prohibit any buying from the 
same. Selling to other countries with added duty cheaper than 



Result of the War 221 

to home market. But, says Teddy, to stop protection all at 
once would be like burning the barn to get rid of rats. But 
if one puts rats into his barn and gets paid a royalty on grain 
eaten he should not be allowed to stock other men's barns who 
get no royalty on theirs. No, let the barn burn, and the evil 
man suffer as a warning to others. If a man has small-pox 
his bed must be burned. 

The trust trick is no less a tangible one. 

An organization always has an object in view, either ag- 
gressive or defensive ; hence when manufacturers organize it 
is not to benefit the consumer, most assuredly, yet attempts 
have been repeatedly made to deceive the people into believ- 
ing that all are benefited by an organization of one industry 
against another. These organizers are not so stupid as to or- 
ganize against themselves. 

Had I not promised to write only a small book it would 
be directly within the province of the design of this section of 
my work to give an account of the ridiculous and insulting 
treatment of General Fitzhugh Lee, Admiral Schley and Gen- 
eral Miles, at the hands of the authorities, during and since 
the Spanish-American war. Nothing could better represent 
the harbored prejudice of the old enemies of our free land 
than after so long a time to stoop to such unprincipled and 
impertinent demeanor. 

Blind indeed is the bigot who does not discern the distinc- 
tion between this disposition towards loyalty, and that of the 
South, which was ready at the call to respond to a demand for 
help. No sentiment of revenge on the part of the latter, but 
infamous and reproachful partiality on the other. 

What a spirit of reverent devotion exists within the breast 



222 The Unwritten South 

of the true American. See him in the Revolutionary War 
with his rifle defending his Declaration of Independence ; see 
him in the war of 1812 when Northern sections of the so-called 
Union refused to defend the old flag for which our fathers 
bled, and in which they claimed to have such an interest in 
the time of the Civil War ; see him in the Civil War with his 
musket defending his Constitution ; see him when hostilities 
were partly compromised going to vote with his bowie knife to 
secure his rights, and again see him nobly march out at the 
call for help from the old Union against the Spanish forces. 

How often one hears the South spoken of as being behind 
the times, which no doubt is the case in many respects, and 
appreciably so. The writer shall never forget an incident 
which occurred in a train on the Norfolk & Western Rail- 
road between Roanoke, Va., and Hagerstown, Md., upon 
which particular occasion the closing exercises of the Roanoke 
College at Salem, Va., had just occurred, and many students 
were en route for home. A pompous Northern sport, seeing 
so many fine looking young men in a train in the South, felt 
rather smaller under the circumstances than his estimate of his 
dimensions had always justified him in claiming for himself, 
hence he thought it his delightful privilege to air his bigness 
for a spell. He remarked, " 'Tis a fine thing that the South 
is getting nice hotels, bath-rooms," etc. Continuing, he said, 
'Tn the North one can take a good bath every week, things 
are so convenient and nice." One of the boys caught my eye, 
as he smiled in as plain language as Vv^ords could portray, that 
in the South a bath only once a week would be scorned, 
though there were no bath rooms at all. 

The Yankees at the time of the war attempted lots of fun 



Result of the War 223 

at the Southern people handling their horses by the words 
Gee and Haw. The Northern people still are ignorant of the 
intelligence of the horse. They work him in the field with a 
line on either side of the mouth and draw him about. They 
cannot understand why a horse will come Haw at a draw upon 
a single line and go Gee at a jerk on the same line. With 
all their ingenuity they lack judgment as to the propriety of 
things in more instances than one. They have come to ad- 
mire the characteristics of the South at this late day, however, 
and many are sending their daughters South to be educated. 

Have you read the "Young Parson," a book written from 
the old historic town of Winchester, Va. ? The author, being 
a Northern man, refers to the very foolish notion prevalent 
among the Southern people, that it was considered almost 
vulgar for a gentleman to wear detached collars and cuffs with 
his linen. Now there could be no reasonable objection to the 
simple matter of these articles of apparel being detached, but 
where this was not a custom, and where cleanliness was almost 
a sentiment, doubtless the use of these parts of dress as a 
convenience and economy was ignored with some justification ; 
the theory being that when the cuffs and collar are soiled the 
whole garment is soiled. Certainly this view of the matter, 
like many other hasty conclusions, held no belittling difference 
in favor of being up with the times. 

If there is a great difference between the people of the 
South and those of the North in respect to deficiencies, it con- 
sists in this, that the South has the fewer. 

From the very nature of things it must be true that both 
the North and the South were culpable in some manner, and to 
some measure, that such a calamity should be visited upon our 



224 "^'i^c Unwritten South 

land as was the war. Do you not agree with me, after fol- 
lowing over the whole matter, that the evil of the South was 
that of listlessness and inordinate pride, whilst that of the 
North was the grosser wickedness of avarice and malicious- 
ness? The Southern people are peculiar in the particular of 
being indifferent to the opinions of others concerning them- 
selves or their actions. To be satisfied with any duty or as- 
signment of task is the height of their am])ition, and it mat- 
ters little what others think of them or their work, or whether 
others know of it at all. This is the very essence of pride, 
and accounts largely for the absence of literature in the South, 
and the dearth of history concerning their wonderful record. 
Statesmen, orators, soldiers, among the fittest, yet how few 
have been their authors. 

Now, dear friend, I've written but one side of this great 
question, as the other has been amply dealt with long years 
ago. Do not consider me bigoted if I've written intensely 
of my convictions, experience and observation. No one can 
be just and not indignant at injustice. No pen can mold a 
future or alter the past. "A wise Divinity shapes our ends, 
roughhew them as we will." 

As this little budget was begun, so shall it end, in the 
hope that prejudice and unfairness towards a true and brave 
people may be eliminated from the curriculiun of our schools, 
and that eventually our children will not be taug-ht to hate 
their grandparents as traitors and rebels. 



'A soldier's death thou hast boldly died, 

A soldier's grave won by it; 
Before I would take that sword from thine hand, 

My own life's blood should dye it. " 



HlO^ 80 * 







% *•-« A^ ^ "^ ^r *^^ **-» A? ' 




